Chapter Four

De Piro’s Charity: Aspect s

Many were the ingredients that made up the charity of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro.

(i) An option for the materially poor

Joseph De Piro had the possibility to enjoy a very prosperous life. He could have become a drawing or painting artist.[1777] In his teens he spent three and a half years as member of the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia[1778] where, if he had remained, he could have easily been promoted to higher ranks. In 1898 he started the law course at the University of Malta which could have led him to a lawyer’s career.[1779] Being a De Piro he would have undoubtedly become a member of the Maltese nobility.[1780] The De Piro title meant a lot of property, both mobile and immobile, for which Joseph had a right.[1781] His nobility also implied a popularity in the Maltese society and therefore the possibility of some important role in the civil administration of Malta.[1782] The Servant of God left all these behind him and opted for the priesthood.[1783]

Joseph had not yet began his seminary studies at the Rome Gregorian University when on 24 August 1898 he wrote to his mother from Rome:

Secondo i calcoli incalcolabili che ho fatto; se non morrò probabilmente canterò messa da qui ad altri quattro anni; poichè più di due anni di filosofia non credo che mi faranno fare, e poi dopo due anni di teologia credo che mi lasceranno cantarla. Pregate a S. Tommaso d’Aquino che mi intercede la grazia di aprirmi un poco la mente, ed allora forse un anno di filosofia sarà sufficiente, ed allora potremo fare più presto … Il corso di teologia è di quattro anni e poi quello di diritto canonico è di tre, cosichè se ancor ben faccio l’addizione mi pare che fino a 30 anni trovo da studiare.[1784]

According to this letter Joseph De Piro had planned ten years of study in Rome, finishing with a specialisation in Canon Law. At the same time during this very first year at the Capranica College, or a very little while after he had made his choice for the priesthood, young Joseph seemed to be already favouring an option different from the one just mentioned or the specialisation in Canon Law; he was already preferring St Joseph’s Home rather than academic specialisations.[1785] Through this last option the Servant of God showed that his was going to be a priestly life dedicated to the poor. In fact, immediately after finishing his first year of studies in Rome, he returned to Malta for his summer holidays and went to St Joseph’s to meet Mgr Francesco Bonnici, the Founder - Director of the Institute.[1786] To his astonishment, Joseph found out that Bonnici had retired from the Institute and there was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo instead.[1787] The latter was being helped by Fr George Bugeja.[1788] While at St Joseph’s, during his second summer holidays from Rome, young De Piro showed Vassallo that, after finishing his studies, he wished to go himself to the Institute and live there with him.[1789] Joseph, the seminarian, continued his contact with Vassallo and Bugeja[1790] and wrote to them all through the years of his stay at the Capranica.[1791]

At the end of De Piro’s studies in Rome, Malta’s Archbishop, Mgr Peter Paul Pace, offered him more than once the possibility to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili”.[1792] The same did the President of the “Accademia”.[1793] Joseph did not accept this offer. He still preferred to return to Malta and stay at St Joseph’s Institute.[1794] The Archbishop accepted the option of the Servant of God.[1795] Again, De Piro left behind him a career full of prosperity and prestige, this time in the Church, and opted for the poor boys of St Joseph’s Orphanage.

After ordination and some three months of more study in Rome, Fr Joseph went to Davos, Switzerland, to recuperate his health.[1796] In Switzerland he spent 18 months, after which he returned to Malta[1797] and stayed for almost 3 years in Qrendi, a parish to the south of the Island, again to continue help improving his strength.[1798] Although De Piro had talked to Fr Emmanuel Vassallo about his wish to go to St Joseph’s,[1799] Vassallo did not offer him the possibility to live there. Instead, in 1907, the Archbishop of Malta, Peter Pace, assigned to Fr Joseph the direction of Fra Diegu, a Home for orphaned and poor girls.[1800] This was only the first of a series of ecclesiastical charitable institutes to be entrusted to the care of the Servant of God. Another five followed: Jesus of Nazareth;[1801] St Joseph’s, Malta;[1802] St Jospeh’s, Gozo;[1803] the Home for babies;[1804] and St Francis de Paul.[1805]

In itself the acceptance of Fra Diegu by De Piro included some other options. Pastoral work has always been the thing wished so much by all young priests. De Piro was quite settled in Qrendi.[1806] He felt himself accepted and loved there.[1807] Most probably it was not that easy for De Piro to leave the Parish. In spite of all this, he left it, and without hesitation went to help the poor girls of Fra Diegu Institute.

Fra Diegu was not the Institute of his wish; he wanted to go rather to St Joseph’s, which, besides being an Institute for orphaned boys, was a Home from where he had thought that there would come out a male Society under the patronage of St Paul.[1808] Fra Diegu was an Orphanage for girls and therefore it was not possible to initiate a male society in it. The Servant of God put the Society’s project aside. He left Qrendi, he also put aside the Institute where he had been thinking to start the Society, and opted for Fra Diegu.

In 1922 he also accepted the direction of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[1809] He had been dreaming about the possibility to go to St Joseph’s, Malta, since his first scholastic year in Rome (1898-1899).[1810] For several years or until November 1922 the offer had never been made to him. Instead, another Institute was put in his hands, the Jesus of Nazareth, at Zejtun. This was again a girls’ Institute and therefore as in the case of Fra Diegu, the Servant of God could never get from it members for his new Society, as in the case of St Joseph’s. Yet, he accepted Jesus of Nazareth and dedicated himself completely for the good of the poor orphans of that Institute.

While accepting Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth, De Piro was not sure that there would come a moment when he would be offered the St Joseph’s Orphanage. On the opposite it seemed that the Institute for which he had sacrificed the diplomatic career would never be given to him. In such a situation the Servant of God did not address himself only to the Society by refusing the direction of the two female Institutes mentioned above. Instead, he opted for the poor girls of Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth and became Director of both.

But it was not only for himself that De Piro made a continuous option for the poor. He wanted that even his Society would prefer these in its apostolate. In fact as far as 7 August 1905, the Servant of God wrote what he meant by his “idea” or Society.[1811] After saying that the main aim of his Congregation was going to be the foreign missions, he also mentioned the other three apostolates. St Joseph’s Home, Malta, was going to be the first of these secondary pastoral works of the Society.[1812]

On 30 June 1914 the Founder wrote to Bishop Angelo Portelli, Malta’s Apostolic Administrator, asking him the permission for the members of his Society to wear the habit. With this petition, De Piro sent a Breve prospetto delle Regole of the Society. Number 2 of the rules was made up of these words, “Scopo della Piccola Compagnia sarà quello di venire in aiuto dei popoli privi di operai Evangelici particolarmente ed in primo luogo dei Maltesi lontani dalla patria, ed a tal fine le sarà a cuore la cura di case di beneficenza.”[1813] These words include quite clearly another option for the poor. This time it was not only St Joseph’s Home, in Malta. It was not even limited to the other charitable institutes in his native country. Rather, the Founder wanted that the members of his Society, wherever they were going to be, would opt for these homes of poor children.

In the part of the Constitutions of the Society, written by the Founder, and which were approved by the Archbishop of Malta on 18 March 1924,[1814] Mgr De Piro almost repeated what he had written in 1914, “Essa si propone come fine … di salvare le anime venendo in aiuto di quei popoli, i quali difettano di operai evangelici, (*I) ed assumendo la cura di case di beneficenza.”[1815]

When the Salesians of Don Bosco had been asked by Notary Michael Casolani, the Founder of the B’Kara Oratory, to take responsibility of the place, on 5 March 1910, Fr O’Grady, of the Salesians, wrote to Malta’s Archbishop asking him the permission for the Salesian cooperators to build a chapel for that same Oratory.[1816] Seven days after, Canon Alphonse Borg, Provost of the B’Kara parish, wrote to the Archbishop recommending the building of the chapel.[1817] With this letter Borg sent His Excellency also a copy of an extract of the Rules of the Society of St Francis de Sales. In Part 1, chapter 1, of these Rules there were these articles:

Art. 1223 - Lo scopo dell’Oratorio , essendo di tener lontana la gioventù dall’ozio e dalle cattive compagnie particolarmente nei giorni festivi, tutti vi possono essere accolti senza eccezione di grado o di condizione.

Art. 1224 - Quelli però che sono poveri, più abbandonati e più ignoranti sono di preferenza accolti e coltivati, perchè hanno maggiore bisogno di assistenza per tenersi nella via dell’eterna salute.

Art. 1226 - Non importa che siano difettosi della persona, purchè siano esenti di male attaccaticcio o che possa cagionare grave schifo ai compagni, in questo caso uno solo potrebbe allontanare molti dall’Oratorio.[1818]

The above Rules were quite clear about whom the Salesians accepted in their oratories: they welcomed the boys of all conditions and grades, but the poor, the abandoned and the ignorant were given preference.

After a few years, Canon Michael Camilleri, who took over from the Salesians, wrote an undated letter to Field Marshal Lord Methuen, who was the Governor of Malta from 1915 to 1919. Its contents showed that article 1224 of the Salesian Rules was still practiced at the Oratory at the time of Sammut:

His Excellency

Field Marshal Lord Methuen G.C.B.G.C.V.O. C.M.G

Governor of Malta and its dependencies and commander in chief of the troops serving within the same.

Your Excellency,

…the hundreds of poor boys attending the Institution whereof I am in charge …There are hundreds of poor boys who daily flock to our Institution (The Oratory, Via Strada S. Guiliano, Birchircara) …It is heartrending to see so many of our children shivering with cold for want of sufficient clothing and to know that, however we might strain our resources in order to provide for a very bad care …those who are kept away from attending the Government’s Elementary School simply because their parents are so poor that they cannot dress them with even the minimum degree of decency required for the purpose.[1819]

Reference has already been made to the letter sent by Casolani to De Piro on 15 December 1925.[1820] By the words, “… mi si dice che Ella sia, da qualche tempo, ritornato dal Suo Viaggio, che spero esser stato proficero alla Sua salute tanto preziosa per quanti hanno a cuore le opere di beneficenza in queste nostre isole,”[1821] Casolani showed that he was quite conscious about the specific contribution of De Piro in Malta. In the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, where De Piro was Director, the children were orphaned and poor boys and girls! On 4 April 1927 Notary Michael Casolani donated the Oratory to the Servant of God. This was a Center for poor boys.[1822] De Piro, on his part, took over the Oratory and bound himself and his Society to continue directing it on the same lines on which it had been led before.[1823] It was another option of the poor!

The letter from the Treasury, Malta, sent to De Piro on 24 March 1927 proved that the Oratory was known as a one for the poor boys:

Doc: D

Registered No

302/122/27

The Treasurer

Malta

24th March, 1927

With reference to your application dated the 22nd ultimo, I have the honour to inform you that His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to direct that the transfer to the Company of St.Paul of the "Utile Dominium" of the field called "tal Uita" in Strada San Giuliano, Birchircara, together with the Chapel and other buildings erected thereon in order that the said property may be used as an Oratory for the education of the children of the poorer classes, be exempt both from Donation and from Stamp Duty.

I have the honour to be,

Sir,

Your obedient servant

J. Huber

Treasurer.

Signed

The Most Reverend

Monsignor Can: G.De Piro,

St. Joseph`s Institute,

Hamrun.

fti. G.Can Decano De Piro - G Casolani - Not. M.L. Casolani - M. Can. Sammut - Not. Ed. Calleja Schembri.[1824]

In June 1928 De Piro, as director of the Oratory of B’Kara, wrote a letter to the Minister for the Treasury. Monsignor introduced the place by these words and was quite clear about who were the boys who attended the Oratory:

Sir,

The “Oratory”, Sda San Giuliano Birchircara, is an Institution established in 1910 for the Religious and moral education of the sons of the people, on the identical lines of the Salesian Oratory at Sliema and of the other similar “Oratories” of the Venerable Don Bosco existing all over the world.[1825]

In a contract made between Mgr De Piro and the Provost of B’Kara, on 1 February 1930, the same aim was emphasised, “Primo:- Che avendo il Signor Notaro Michael L. Casolani fondato un Istituto inteso alla educazione religiosa e civile dei figli del popolo…”[1826]

In another contract, made by Mgr De Piro and Fr George Preca, Founder of the catechetical Society, MUSEUM, in the presence of Notary Louis Gauci Forno, on 11 June 1930, the Oratory was referred to as, “… opera d’educazione, religiosa e civile dei figli della classe operaia, in Birchircara…”[1827]

All the above material proves that the Oratory was a center for the poor children of the common people. It was such a place that De Piro took under his care.

What helped De Piro opt for the materially poor

- Gratis apostolate

One of the virtues that helped De Piro be dedicated this much to the poor was undoubtedly his disinterest in financial remuneration for his ministries. Because Fra Diegu Institute was a diocesan orphanage, the Archbishop’s Curia sent everynow and then some trusted person to examine the financial accounts of the Institute. Alphonse Maria Galea was the one sent to do this job in 1916. In the report he wrote on 10 February of that year, Galea said that, “… egli (De Piro) ha sempre prestato l’opera sua gratuitamente (gratis et amore Dei) e che non ha intenzione alcuna di chiedere compensi per l’avvenire.”[1828]

In 1920 Galea made another audit of the financial registers of Fra Diegu and on 8 March he presented his findings to his Ecclesiastical superiors. In this last report Galea again referred to De Piro’s gratis ministry, “Mgr Can. De Piro Navarra molto generosamente rinunzia al proprio diritto di economia …”[1829]

- His humility

The Servant of God was thirty years old when entrusted with the direction of Fra Diegu. According to the testimony of Sr Pacifica Xuereb, the Franciscan Sisters, who did the day to day work of the Institute, at first imagined that the new Director, belonging to a distinguished Maltese family, would be aloof and difficult to approach. This notion was rapidly removed as soon as De Piro encountered them for the first time. Indeed they were pleasantly surprised at his ability to mix with the young orphan girls, in spite of the fact that this was his first such experience.[1830]

Srs Giakkina Vella, of Fra Diegu, emphasised the fact that the Director did not want the Sisters to treat him differently from the orphaned girls of the Institute.[1831] The same thing was said by Sr Bibiana Zammit.[1832]

The testimony of Sr Pia Caruana shows the different aspects of De Piro’s humility: while his clothes were clean and tidy, although he was canon of the Cathedral, there was no distinctive mark on his cassock; he used the ordinary means of transport and always travelled with the common folk; he talked to everyone he met; he always wanted to eat the same food as the orphans; he gave money to the needy; he always worked for the poor; he himself gave a helping hand in the fundraising activities that were organised to support the charitable institutes; in these activities he did not want to be treated differently from the other people – if he bought anything he wanted to pay for it; he used to beg alms for the poor; he himself became poor.[1833]

(ii) An option for the poor lacking the Good News

From the above, one may get the impression that De Piro opted only for the poor in need of material things. But in the previous pages of this thesis it has already been clearly indicated that even in the very same charitable institutions, the Servant of God did not cater only for the material dimension of the orphans or poor children and youths living or attending there. Even in both the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and in the Oratory themselves, Monsignor realised that the children lacked greatly the Good News. And he did help them even in this.

- The choice between remaining in Rome in order to go to the “Accademia”, or returning to Malta where he could start the Society which was expected to help quelli che difettanto di operai evangelici.

The Servant of God started the pages of his Diary by saying that after finishing his studies in Rome he wished to stay at St Joseph’s, Malta.[1834] Almost immediately afterwards he also wrote that an internal feeling told him that from that Institute, God wanted the setting up of a Congregation whose members would go even abroad.[1835] Therefore when De Piro preferred coming to Malta rather than staying at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”, he did not opt only for the poor orphaned boys of St Joseph’s. He also favoured the Institute in order to set up in it a Society for those countries which were poor of evangelisers.

De Piro registered the above option in another place in his Diary. He was writing about his experience in Davos, Switzerland, “Ho continuato intanto durante tutto il tempo della cura a carezzare le mie ormai divenute antiche idee. Ma tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi cosi’ lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato”[1836]

The country mentioned here by De Piro was undoubtedly Malta. For him the Island was therefore the place where he intended to concretise his “… ormai divenute antiche idee…” In another place in his Diary, the Servant of God explained what were “his ideas”, “Una Società di missionari …”[1837] The scope of this Society was going to be, “… Missioni estere.”[1838] Therefore when De Piro favoured Malta instead of remaining at the “Accademia”, he opted for the country where he could found a society which was going to cater for those who were poor of evangelisers or missionaries. Or one can say that De Piro did not opt for Malta only in order to go to St Joseph’s Orphanage and there live with other priests among the poor orphaned boys. He wanted also to start there his Society, a one that was to cater for those peoples who lacked evangelisers.

After being ordained priest, the Servant of God made another choice. This time it was not between the “Accademia Ecclesistica” and St Joseph’s, Malta, the Orphanage where De Piro wished to work for the poor boys who lived there. It was not even between the “Accademia” and St Jospeh’s, Malta, where he also thought to start a Society the members of which were to dedicate themselves for the evangelisation of those who lacked the Good News. These options he had already made since his retreat for the diaconate. As a newly ordained presbyter, Fr Joseph had to make another choice. On the one hand he could live like his brother, Fr Sante, as a priest in his family palace, surrounded by all the commodities which could be found in noble surroundings. On the other hand he was faced by the possibility of being the founder of a Congregation for the evangelisation of the ad gentes people. De Piro again opted in favour of the poor, this time those lacking the Good News.

- A choice between continuing the option of the apostolate with migrants and the more immediate approval of the Society

If one were to have a look at Appendix 5 [1839] one would immediately realise that De Piro had every reason to put aside, at least on paper, the Maltese migrants’ apostolate and present the missions ad gentes as the one and only aim of the Society. Had he done so he would have undoubtedly acquired what he wanted so much from Propaganda Fide; if not the Decretum Laudis at least the affiliation of the Society with the Missions Congregation. The Founder did explain to his superiors why he always included the Maltese abroad in the aim of the Society.[1840] At the same time he stuck to his charism and continued implying the Maltese migrants in the draft constitutions of his Society.[1841] Because of which he had to accept his Society’s affiliation with the Congregation of Religious.[1842]

What helped De Piro opt for the poor lacking the Good News

- The love of the Father shown through the Incarnate, suffering and Eucharistic Son, the One with a Heart full of love for all

Joseph De Piro can be said to have been imbued with the love of God the Father, expressed in a special way through the various mysteries of Jesus Christ. In his sermons the Servant of God referred very frequently to the Lord’s incarnation – through it Jesus became one with us.[1843] The passion and death the Son suffered for us, sinners, were the mysteries that influenced so much the Servant of God himself since his early youth and countinued helping him move forward all through his own life.[1844] The Eucharist was for De Piro the continuation of the incarnation - the Sacrament invented by Jesus and through which he becomes one with us.[1845] Christ’s Sacred Heart was for the Servant of God nothing less than the abode of the divine love and therefore that which saves us continuously.[1846] Being permeated with this divine love, De Piro, personally or through others, could not but continuously tell his brothers and sisters, whether the Maltese in Malta, the Maltese migrants or the ad gentes people, about this same divine love. He also uninterruptedly evangelised the faith that was the civilization and the holistic melioration of the human being,[1847] that which introduces liberty in human society,[1848] the giver of life,[1849] and light for humanity.[1850]

There is then a sermon of Monsignor where he showed quite clearly what was his conception of evangelisation. De Piro was rector of the Maltese Major Seminary from 1918 up to 1920.[1851] Some time after, a newly ordained priest who had been a seminarian during those two years, invited the Servant of God to preach the sermon in his first solemn high mass.[1852] Since De Piro was preaching on the occasion of the feast of a priest, he presented the teaching of the Good News as the work of the priest, but from De Piro’s words one can easily see what the Servant of God understood by evangelisation in itself:

Non può negarsi che la Società … nelle arti, nelle scienze ed in ogni sorte d’invenzione, a chiunque ama la prosperità della sua patria non può non compiacersi del suo incivilimento e del suo progresso - Però per quanto una nazione abbia camminato nelle vie della civiltà e del progresso, ha sempre bisogno di una luce che la conduca al porto della gloria. Si l’insegnamento religioso la è di una assoluta necessità; essa ha bisogno di essere istruita, ammaestrata, come deve deportarsi al cospetto di Dio - Ora chi soddisferà a cosi’ forte bisogno? F.D. non son io che vi risponderò, non sono i filosofi antichi e molto meni i moderni. È solo lo stesso Gesù Cristo che additandovi il suo messo, il suo ambasciatore, additandovi il suo sacerdote, vi dice ecco la luce che vi preserverà dall’errore, ecco la luce che vi condurrà al porto di salute e di gloria. Sentitelo a G.C. come parla, come ordina, come comando` (S. Matt. 28) ‘Andate ed ammaestrate.’ Ed in un altro luogo per confermare questa sua missione cosi’ suggerisse ‘Qui vos audit me audit’ (Luc X) ‘Chi ascolta voi ascolta me’ - Ecco dunque come si taglia alla società il Sacerdote cattolico essa viene derubata da ogni bene. Perchè tolto il sacerdote è tolto altresi Gesù Cristo e dove non regna … Gesù Cristo non vi è luce ma tenebre, non vi è verità ma errore, non vi è vita ma morte perchè solo Gesù Cristo può dire come ha detto ‘Ego sum via veritas et vita.’ (S. Giov. XIV 6) ‘Ego sum veritas.’

F.D. qualunque volta che l’errore come serpente velenoso incomincia a diffondersi in un paese, in uno stato, in una nazione ed incomincia ad oscurare le menti, a guastare e corrompere i cuori, è il sacerdote che grida, che alza la voce come una tromba, tiene vivo il fuoco sacro della fede cattolica - Quando trionfa l’egoismo, e vengono maltrattati i poveri, la vedova e l’orfanello, è il sacerdote che predica il precetto della carità evangelica e con apostolico coraggio ricorda a tutti quella giustizia … che attende l’uomo nell’altro mondo. E quando la corruzione si è introdotta ed ha guastato la famiglia, è sempre il sacerdote che fa sentire la sera voce e alla sua parola vi torna la calma, la tranquillità, la pace, quell’ordine, quell’armonia che rimette la famiglia sul diritto sentiero e la innalza alla sua pristina dignità. - È il sacerdote che chiama alla sua scuola le moltitudini, i popoli, il sacerdote che parla, parla ai giovani e ai vecchi, parla ai grandi, e ai piccoli, ai ricchi e ai poveri, al sapiente, all’ignorante, al sovrano ed al suddito: parla ed alla sua parola tutto diventa sacro: sacri i fanciulli, sacro il popolo, sacra l’autorità, perchè il sacerdote grida indistintamente, amate Dio, amatevi a vicenda, seguite la virtù, fuggite il male.[1853]

When one reads these words of De Piro, one can already understand why he opted so much for those brothers and sisters who lacked the Good News!

(iii) An option for those in immediate need

In some of De Piro’s options for the poor it was quite clear that the Servant of God had still another option; while following or living a particular option for some poor, Monsignor did not hesitate to live another option: he always chose those in the most immediate and urgent need; after always choosing the poor, he then chose those who were in the most imminent need; he had a scale of priorities in his preferences of the poor. The Sette Giugno events are a case in point. By 1919 De Piro was dedicated to the poor orphans of Fra Diegu Institute. He was also very dedicated to those who were in need of learning the Good News, whether the Maltese in Malta, the Maltese migrants or the ad gentes people. But when on the 7, 8, and 9 June 1919, the Maltese asked his help in order that they could acquire their basic needs, he left everything and for three days he dedicated himself completely for them.[1854]

What helped De Piro opt for the most immediate need

- De Piro’s adaptability

There seemed to be in the Servant of God a virtue that helped him a lot to live in this way: his adaptability. The De Piro family house was one of the rich palaces in Mdina. Yet the Servant of God adapted to several other completely different environments, so much so that he was able to live in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes,[1855] in the old house which had to hospitalise the Gozo St Joseph’s boys,[1856] in the first small and very poor houses of the Society,[1857] and in the not yet finished St Agatah’s Motherhouse in Rabat, Malta.[1858] When he was preparing to open St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, he thought of a private celebration.[1859] But it happened that while he was in the House, helping its preparation for the opening, the first floor gave way and the Servant of God fell to the ground floor, so much so that he had to spend some days of convalescence.[1860] The inauguration date was transferred to another day.[1861] Not only. From a private celebration it turned to be a moderately solemn occasion: the Director invited the Diocesan Bishop, several Monsignori, the parishpriests, the local clergy, the Governor General, members of parliament, the benfactors, and the public in general.[1862] On this occasion De Piro also delivered two speeches, one to the Bishop and the other one to the Governor General.[1863] When thinking of the foundation of the Society the Servant of God was open for any suggestion from the side of Archbishop Peter Pace.[1864] When Pace gave him a letter he had received from the Mill Hill superior General, De Piro was prepared even to open a minor seminary for the formation of the boys for the missions.[1865] He kept a dialogue with his companion priests, especially Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo.[1866] De Piro discussed each step forward with Mgr Peter La Fontaine and did as was told by this big friend and benefactor of his.[1867] From the contents of his sermons he seemed to adapt a lot to the kind of congregation he had listening to him.[1868]

(iv) A personal involvement

De Piro’s options for the poor of some sort or other did not stop at the moments when he made these same choices; he continued involving himself personally even all along the process of their concretisation. To the six ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care or the B’Kara Oratory, he paid regular visits, in some more than in the others; he was not rarely personally present in each one of them. [1869] There were some families of children of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes who had some trouble or who had some member sick. De Piro personally visited these families and himself did his best to help.[1870] As regards the old girls of the institutes he personally worked for their well being through the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[1871] He was also personally present in Parliament on 21 February 1933 to defend the well being of the institutes’ girls.[1872] He personally wrote more than once to the Archbishop asking the money of some legacy for some girl or other of the Institutes.[1873] He was so much personally involved with the employees of St Joseph’s that he wanted to pay himself their wages. In this way he knew well their financial situation and helped them when there was the need.[1874] In the case of the Sette Giugno 1919 riots he was there personally for the well being of the Maltese in general, for the employees, and for their families.[1875] He was also there on the 9 June of that same year to defend the interests of the Archbishop.[1876] He was also personally there when accepting to make part of the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919”.[1877] As regards the evangelisation to the Maltese in Malta De Piro was continuously involved in preaching.[1878] He himself started the publication of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” and uninterruptedly wrote most of the material of the 1922-1933 editions.[1879] De Piro personally took care of the promotion of the cathecism classes in several places: in Mtarfa by going himself to teach the children of that poor Rabat subburb;[1880] in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes by personally checking the teaching of catechism and himself examining the boys and girls of these institutes;[1881] in the first House of the Society in Mdina by paying visits to the boys who attended there;[1882] and at the B’Kara Oratory by going regularly there himself.[1883] As regards the Maltese migrants he personally visited the Maltese in Tunis[1884] and Carthage.[1885] In the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, he himself wrote articles about the Maltese abroad.[1886]

He himself struggled to find nuns and diocesan or religous priests who could accompany the Maltese in the far away countries.[1887] As regards the ad gentes missions he assiduously published the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” for 12 whole years and wrote the articles about the missionary activity of the Church.[1888] This, while carrying on the many other responsibilities he had. He was undoubtedly personally involved in the foundation and first years of his missionary Society.[1889] He planned to go himself to the Abyssinia mission.[1890] He himself lost a lot when he sent Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia.[1891]

What helped De Piro be personally involved

- The incarnate Jesus

Reference has already been made to some words De Piro used in order to refer to the incarnation of the Son of God.[1892] These expressions which Monsignor used in his written sermons about God’s coming personally among us in order to help us be saved, are already a clear indication of one of the main models Monsignor had in him for his personal involvement when helping his needy brothers and sisters. Here are some other such phrases, again taken from his sermons: “Verbo umanato”,[1893] “incarnazione del Verbo”,[1894] “Dio fatto uomo”,[1895] “si fece uomo”[1896] “discendi fra noi”,[1897] “amore divino sceso dal cielo”[1898] “scendere dal Cielo Iddio onnipotente per divenire uomo come noi”[1899] “Gesù Bambino”[1900] “nacque Bambino”[1901] “nato Messia”[1902] “l’incarnazione del Verbo”[1903] “(il) Verbo che loro comandò di adorare nell’unione ipostatica colla natura umana”[1904] “nell’incarnazione la natura divina è unita alla natura umana” [1905] and “la presenza di Dio in mezzo a noi”.[1906]

- Jesus in the Eucharist

Without doubt Jesus personally present in the Eucharist was another model for De Piro and his personal involvement in his charity towards the needy. The Eucharistic expressions he used in his written sermons, prove this. Some of them are made up of only a few words: “L’ultimo termine consiste nell’unione più intima con noi …,”[1907] “… nell’Eucaristia si unisce a ciascuno di noi …,”[1908] “…quel Gesù, di Betlehem, Nazareth, vita pubblica, passione, morte, Gloria, sta dentro di te, ed il tuo palpito è il tuo,”[1909] “Quello che Gesù fa per unirsi a noi,”[1910] “… noi che abbiamo il Dio nostro cosi’ vicino a noi nel Santissimo Sagramento dell’altare non in figura - non in ombre ma in realtà,”[1911] “…come il Re’ in mezzo ai suoi sudditi come un padre in mezzo ai suoi amati figli - come un Pastore in mezzo alle sue pecorelle …,”[1912] “…si è compiacuto di stare con noi…,”[1913] “Ma nell’Eucaristia, ma nella Comunione, l’anime nostra diviene una sola cosa coll’anima di Gesù, lo spirito suo diviene una sola cosa collo spirito nostro,”[1914] “…in me manet et ego in illo vivit in aeternum,”[1915] “…Gesù è con noi …,”[1916] “…ego vobisum sum …,”[1917] “…nel tabernacolo abita con noi la Sapienza incarnata,”[1918] “…Gesù … arde continuamente dal desiderio di unirsi a noi,”[1919] “…un re che visita i suoi sudditi …”[1920] Other De Piro quotations about Jesus who becomes personally one with us in the Eucharist are longer:

‘ego vobiscum sum, omnibus diebus, usque ad consummationem saeculi.’ Io sono con voi per tutti i giorni sino al terminar dei secoli. Si S. Agostino ce lo lascio scritto che l’Eucaristia non è altro che l’estensione dell’Incarnazione e perciò lo stesso fine dell’incarnazione, della passione e della morte di N.S. è anche il fine dell’Eucaristia. Anzi l’Eucaristia è il compimento dell’Incarnazione. Ora questo fine è divinamente espresso nel Simbolo che si dice nella Messa, ivi dunque è detto che il Figlio di Dio è disceso dal Cielo e si è fatto uomo. ‘Propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem.’ ed altrove lo stesso Gesù ci dice ‘Ego veni ut vitam habeaut et abumdantius habeant.’[1921]

… la Comunione è l’unione più stretta che la creatura possa contrarse con Dio. Si fine ultimo dell’Eucaristia è l’unione dell’uomo a Dio… ma questo solo (l’eucaristia) ha l’unione per suo oggetto immediato.[1922]

Questo entra nella sostanza del nostro corpo, diviene il nostro sangue e le nostre ossa; si cangia in quel cervello con cui pensiamo ed in quel cuore con cui amiamo. È in questo modo che si compie la nostra unione con Gesù come elemento (permettetemi la parola) più forte attira noi a se e ci assorbe come l’elemento piùforte attira ed assorbe l’elemento più debole ed ecco perchè al tempo della Comunione ciascuno di noi con vertià può dire con San Paolo "Vivo ego, iam non ego, vivit vero in me Christus." Io vivo ma non son io che vivo ma è Gesù Cristo che vive in me …[1923]

Ora l’azione, il fine del fuoco è di investire talmente di sua virtù gli oggetti a cui s’appiglia che più non si distinguono dal fuoco medesimo. E gli effetti che produce differiscono dalla diversità degli oggetti sottoposti alla sua azione cosi’ p.e.

~ riscalda, mette in ebollizione, scioglie in vapore l’acqua

~ dissecca, avvampa, carbonizzi, incenerisce il legno

~ assoventa, ammollisce e liquiefa il ferro.

Ora applichiamo questo principio a ciò che stiamo trattando. Nell’Eucatistia questo fuoco dell’amore divino di natura sua investe totalmente tutti coloro che comunicandosi si appressano a lui e si sottomettono alla sua azione.[1924]

È quello stesso Gesù ceh poche ore prima di morire nel cenacolo di Sion in mezzo ai suoi discepoli istitui questo sacramento, e mutò la sostanza del pane e del vino nel corpo e sangue suo prezioso per poter restare con noi, perchè la sua delizia è di restare con noi ‘Deliciae meae esse con filius hominum.’[1925]

…in questo sacramento che Gesù si mostra qual padre che dona se stesso ai propri figli - qual pastore che non è contento di aver dato la propria vita per le sue pecorelle ma continua a pascerle colle stesse sue carni e poi do l’ultimo e sommo grado dell’amore sta nell’unione tra l’amante e l’oggetto amato; quale unione più grande e più intima di quella che passa tra Gesù e l’anima che si comunica?[1926]

(v) In unity with others

From the above, one may get the impression that De Piro lived his charity on his own. The reality was not so. On 5 April 1902 De Piro wrote in his Diary that the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, had tried more than once to persuade him to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica dei Nobili”.[1927] But according to the Servant of God himself, in the retreat before his diaconate, started on 11 December 1901, he had already decided to abandon the idea of the “Accademia” and go instead to St Joseph’s Orphanage, Malta.[1928] In the same entry of his Diary he said that he had arrived at this decision after making another[1929] of his pros and cons discernment exercises.[1930] It is interesting to note that among the reasons in favour of St Joseph’s Home, De Piro put down these words, “2. L’amore di vivere in communità di persone ecclesiastiche e perciò sento dover essere contento in compagnia dei due sacerdoti, che già stanno in direzione della Casa di San Giuseppe.”[1931]

At this early age of 24, and even before his being ordained deacon, Joseph De Piro was already showing that for him it was not enough to do pastoral work, but that he wanted to do it in communion with others. In the case of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes De Piro’s unity was undoubtedly practiced first and foremost with the Bishops of Malta and Gozo. Since his first year of studies in Rome, the Servant of God had thought that after finishing his theology he would ruturn to Malta and settle at St Joseph’s Institute.[1932] He continued cultivating this thought, but in his Diary the Servant of God wrote about his wish to be continuously united with the Archbishop “… dichiarandomi peraltro pronto ad ubbidirlo.”[1933]

St Joseph’s, Malta, was most important for De Piro. Besides wishing to live there with other priests,[1934] an internal feeling had told him that at St Joseph’s there would begin a Congregation under the patronage of St Paul.[1935] In fact back in Malta in 1904, he immediately tried to find other priests who could join him.[1936] In 1907 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, did not nominate the Servant of God to St Joseph’s. Instead, he asked him to go to Fra Diegu, an Institute for girls.[1937] De Piro obeyed and, in unity with his ecclesiastical superior, started his apostolate there.[1938] Fifteen years passed since De Piro had been made Director of Fra Diegu. Another Institute was entrusted to the care of the Servant of God. Again, it was not St Joseph’s, but the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage.[1939] Again, this Institute was a Home for girls, and therefore Monsignor could never get from there any vocation for his nascent Society. In spite of this, De Piro accepted, only because he wanted to collaborate with his Archbishop, this time Mauro Caruana.[1940] It was only at the sudden death of Fr George Bugeja, the Director of St Joseph’s, on 23 November 1922, that Mgr De Piro was nominated to take responsibility of that Home.[1941] The Servant of God did as before; being determined to be one with Archbishop Caruana, he obeyed and took over St Joseph’s, Malta. The unity of De Piro with Gozo’s Bishop Michael Gonzi could be noticed quite clearly in the continuous contact there was, in one way or another, between His Excellency and the Servant of God, both before and after the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[1942] At first there was some lack of agreement between His Excellency and De Piro on some points of the statutes written by Gonzi, but after some meetings and a bit of correspondence, Gonzi accepted De Piro’s views[1943] and St Joseph’s, Gozo, was opened on 21 May 1925.[1944] On that day the Director delivered a speech addressed to the Bishop. His words there continued showing his bond with Gonzi:

… qual sempre siamo E. R. ad onorarla ed esternarla il culto che conserviamo in cuor nostro verso la Sua Venerata Persona …ci sentiamo oltremodo contenti che spetta a noi l’onorevole ufficio di salutarla per la prima volta in questo luogo … E non sia mai che noi su questo foglio omettessimo l’espressione del sentimento contrario. Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V. E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella Sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della Casa di san Giuseppe di Hamrun …[1945]

De Piro was one with the Foundress of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Guzeppina Curmi. Mother Teresa Degabriele, one of the first members of the Institute, testified that, “The Monsignor used to come to our Institute once a month. After having lunch with us we used to spend some time talking together. I, Mother Teresa, was in Hamrun. When De Piro came to our Institute, the Foundress used to inform me. I used to go to Zejtun and both of us met the Monsignor.”[1946] Sr Scolastica Pace confirmed this in her 2 March 1992 testimony.[1947]

Before taking over St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God was in continuous communion both with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo and with Fr George Bugeja, his predecessors in the direction of the Institute. He was still in Rome for his studies and from there he wrote regularly to Vassallo.[1948] With Bugeja, De Piro had a lot of contact because of the Society the latter wanted to set up.[1949] When Fr George became Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God himself substituted him when he had to be away for some one month.[1950] At other times, after the Servant of God had founded his Society, there was so much contact between Bugeja and De Piro that the latter more than once sent the members of his Society to St Joseph’s to substitute the Freres De La Salle with the boys.[1951]

Within the context of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes the Servant of God was also continuously one with those who were in charge of the day to day running of these same Homes. He collaborated so much with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in their care of the Fra Diegu girls that these Sisters sought his help even in matters regarding their own religious Congregation.[1952] Again, the bond that existed between the Servant of God and the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth helped these religious to seek De Piro’s help for the foundation and first years of their Congregation.[1953] This relation between the Servant of God and the Jesus of Nazareth Sisters helped the former entrust the new Home for babes near St Joseph’s, Malta, to the care of these nuns.[1954] Hand in hand with the members of his Society Monsignor worked for the orphaned boys of St Joseph, Malta and Gozo.[1955]

De Piro had been chosen as the first of four Monsignori to represent the Cathedral Chapter in the National Assembly of 1918-1921, led by Sir Filippo Sceberras, to write a draft constitution for Malta.[1956] On 25 February 1919 De Piro met the other members of the National Assembly for their first session.[1957] On 7 June of the same year the members met for the second time.[1958] While the members attended this meeting, in the streets of Valletta there started the tragic riots of 7, 8, and 9 June 1919.[1959] The Assembly members were asked to help calm down the angry mob.[1960] There were 270 members in the National Assembly,[1961] but only a handful offered themselves.[1962] The Servant of God was one of these few ones.[1963] He collaborated with this small group and together with them mediated for the acquisition of peace.[1964]

In the first houses of the Society, the Founder worked hand in hand with the members in order to give a good catechism basis to the Mdina and Rabat boys.[1965] The Director, and again the members of his Society, collaborated together in the teaching of catechism to the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[1966] At Fra Diegu Institute the Servant of God was one with the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus in the catechetical instructions given to the girls there.[1967] De Piro, the members of his Society and the laity worked together to give a good basic catechetical formation to the boys who attended the Oratory of B’Kara.[1968] For the teaching of catechism in B’Kara, the Oratory’s Director sought even the collaboration of the MUSEUM members.[1969]

De Piro wanted to set up a Society which, at least in terms of time, had to work first and foremost among the Maltese migrants.[1970] But until it could grow up and provide the evangelisers for the Maltese abroad, the Founder cooperated with those who wrote to him on behalf of the Maltese migrants by collaborating with diocesan and religious priests and helped some of these to go abroad with their conationals.[1971]

The Servant of God was one with the anonimous millions and millions of persons who still lacked the Good News by working for the setting up of a Society whose main aim was the evangelisation in ad gentes countries.[1972] He also collaborated with these millions and millions of persons by publishing in his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” many articles about the ad gentes missionary activity of the Church.[1973] He was so much one with Fr Ang Mizzi OfmCap., and the other Capuchin Friars in Abyssinia, that he really worked hard to find some member of the Society to go there.[1974] After Br Joseph Caruana was chosen,[1975] and in fact went to Ethiopia,[1976] the Founder did not stop sending him letters.[1977] The Servant of God also worked for the setting up of the Laboratorio Sant’Agata and the Missionary Museum in order to guarantee the material and spiritual support to Br Caruana.[1978] To these activities one must add the many articles De Piro published in the Almanac related in one way or another to the missionary activity of Br Joseph.[1979]

De Piro returned to Malta from Switzerland on 2 March 1904.[1980] Although some three years had passed since his diaconate retreat mentioned above,[1981] De Piro’s wish to live in community was still burning in his heart and mind. In fact on 9 January 1905 he consulted with his spiritual director, Fr Ferrara, and asked him whether he had to share with Fr Emmanuel Vassallo, the director of St Joseph’s Institute, his wishes about his going to live with him at the Orphanage.[1982] Ferrara encouraged De Piro to talk to Vassallo.[1983] Fr Joseph met Fr Emmanuel in Valletta on 16 January 1905 and he talked to him for the first time about his “idea”.[1984] Since the wish of the Servant of God included even the foundation of a missionary Society,[1985] it was not that easy for the Director of St Joseph’s to immediately invite De Piro to go and stay with him at the Institute. Also, Vassallo ended up his mission at the Orphanage in 1905 and was succeeded by Fr George Bugeja as director. To the latter, De Piro talked about his project on 10 December 1906.[1986] Again some time passed and there was not so much done. It was only on 19 February 1907 that De Piro and Bugeja decided something quite significant. They agreed that if they were to invite any other priest to join them they would not mention the vows, but, “… la formazione della comunita.”[1987]

Some other time passed and both De Piro and Bugeja did their best to find other priests who could join them.[1988] To one of the priests who showed himself interested, De Piro said this on 26 January 1909, “… che l’opera doveva incominciar colla vita in comunità.”[1989]

The Servant of God continued with his mentioning the community living and not the vows. On 1 August 1909 he did this when he formulated the first draft of the profession that was supposed to be done by the members of his future Society:

In Nome del Padre, del Figliuolo e dello Spirito Santo, Cosi’ sià.

Promettiamo innanzi a Dio, alla Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo ed a San Paolo Apostolo di formar parte della Piccola Compagnia di San Paolo appena ottentuta l’opportuna autorizzazione dalla Santa Sede.

Scopo della Compagnia è quello di formare dei Missionarii ed inviarli ove occorrono.

La Compagnia considererà come proprio il libro degli Esercizi Spirituali di S. Ignazio di Loyola dal quale estrrrà le proprie regole e constituzioni.[1990]

On 7 August 1905 Fr Joseph wrote that his Society “… se coll’aiuto di Dio e della Vergine si arriverà all’erezione di corpo regolare, questo deve essere perfettamente tale.”[1991] For a society to be regular the members had to profess the vows. In fact in 1915 the Founder introduced the promise of the vows in the profession formula of the first two members of his Society. But he kept also the community aspect.[1992]

In the CIC (1917), or better in the commentaries to this Code, there was the use of the phrase “community life”, but it was nothing more than “common life”: “In every organisation the community life shall be followed faithfully by all, even in those things pertaining to food, clothing and furniture…”[1993] It was then mentioned again in CIC (1917) 2389, but here only the violation of community life and the punishment to be incurred were presented. In many of the sections of the Original Constitutions of our Society, De Piro put down here and there several articles which were intended to help the community living, but the Founder never used the word “community”, except in the section about the librarian.[1994] Only the phrase “common life” is to be found. Obviously one cannot therefore find a particular section about the community aspect in the Original Constitutions. At the same time the Servant of God wrote a whole section about charity.[1995] This can be considered without hesitation as the section about the community living.

De Piro, started the section about charity with these words:

Tutti devono essere persuasi della grande necessità di mantenere fra noi il più stretto vincolo di scambievole carità. Infatti quanto più uniti, saranno fra loro i membri della nostra Compagnia, altrettanto questa si mostrerà più vigorosa, e sarà ognora più atta alle imprese della gloria di Dio e salute delle anime.[1996]

In 1901 De Piro had mentioned his wish to live himself in community with other priests. From 1905 up to 1907 he laboured, in communion with other priests, to set up a missionary society. In 1907 he decided, together with another priest, to set up a society of priests living in community. This he insisted upon even in 1909.[1997] Then coming to the Constitutions of his Society, the Founder wanted to make the members realise that the heart of all their apostolate must be the unity among them. This is what he emphasised again in his spiritual testament:

Ed intanto raccomando a tutti i membri indistintamente della Compagnia di S.Paolo, siano essi superiori o sudditi, ad usare tutte le loro sante premure per mantenere tra di loro la mutua carità in Cristo tenendosi per persuasi che nulla potrà maggiormente procurare la gloria di Dio, la prosperità della Compagnia, il bene spirituale proprio e del prossimo, quanto la conservazione della stessa giusta le parole di S. Paolo Nostro Padre ‘Charitas vero aedificat’ I Cor.[1998]

What helped De Piro love in unity with others

- His leadership

The Servant of God had in him certain virtues that helped him a lot to live and act continuously in union with others. He was a true leader by nature and therefore a one who could work with others. To the Inquest Commission, set up by the British Government to investigate into the events of the Sette Giugno 1919, Advocate Caruana Gatto testified that although he himself was the leader of the mediators between the angry Maltese and the civil administration, Monsignor had de facto this role.[1999] It was De Piro who told Caruana Gatto and Serafin Vella, another lawyer, that the three of them had to go and tell the people to stop their aggressive rampage because it would not help their good cause.[2000] On the 9 June 1919, it was Bishop Angelo Portelli, Apostolic Administrator of the Archdiocese of Malta, who declared Mgr De Piro a leader of the Maltese.[2001]

- Delegated responsibilities

During the years he spent at St Joseph’s, Malta, Nazzareno Attard could notice that the Director delegated the various responsibilities related to the administration of the Institute, “I know that work at St. Joseph’s Institute was well organized and everyone knew who was responsible for what.” [2002]

At St Jospeh’s, Gozo, De Piro chose Fr Michael Callus, one of the first members of his Society, as his delegate in the administration of the Institute.[2003]

- Did not mince words

In the report mentioned above, the Servant of God, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, showed that he was worried about the always worsening situation of the satisfaction of the basic needs of the seminarians. At one moment he referred to the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer.[2004] This situation was caused by the increasing cost of living in Malta.[2005] It was the year just after the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919, which were sparked amongs others by the lack of basic needs of the Maltese.[2006] The Rector therefore highlighted the need of a resident treasurer so that the provision for these needs could be guaranteed more.[2007] He was considering the improvement of this aspect so much vital for the seminarians that he addressed these strong and quite clear words to the Archbishop: “ …per provvedere immancabilmente e con urgenza, presentandole, suo malgrado, l’alternativa di chiudere il Seminario in caso d’impossibilità.”[2008] And there were 35 seminarians at the Seminary![2009]

Joseph De Piro can rightly be called the father of the orphaned boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. Also, he was so much faithful and loyal to his ecclesiastical superiors that while not yet ordained a priest, Mgr Peter Pace had encouraged him to continue his studies for a dipomatic career in the Church,[2010] and then nominated him as Director of Fra Diegu Institute.[2011] Besides many other responsibilities,[2012] Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose him as his private secretary.[2013] In spite of his unique dedication to the charitable insitutes and his great respect for the Church’s hierarchy, the Servant of God did not hesitate to express his objections to Bishop Michael Gonzi before accepting the direction of St Joseph’s, Gozo. When things were not yet clear for him he did not hesitate to ask Fr Joseph Hili, the representative of the Gozo parishpriests, for clearer terms.[2014] While in the original statutes Gonzi presented the Gozo Institute as under the jurisdiction of the local Ordinary,[2015] De Piro wanted it to be affiliated to St Joseph’s, Malta, and therefore himself becoming its superior.[2016] The Servant of God also wanted to introduce the members of his Society as responsible for the day to day running of the Home.[2017] Also the numerus clausus mentioned by Bishop Gonzi in his original statutes[2018] was another thing not accepted by the Servant of God.[2019] De Piro was quite clear: had these articles of the original statutes remained unchanged, he would not have accepted the direction of St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo.[2020]

The Servant of God had long felt the need of some sort of shelter and a workshop for the girls who ended up their term in some ecclesiastical charitable institute.[2021] After a lot of fatigue he succeeded in finding a place and started the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[2022] For its day to day running there was a certain Maria Assunta Borg.[2023] At one moment the latter started thinking that she was the one responsible for the Laboratory while De Piro was the real director.[2024] Although Monsignor had worked so much for its beginning, when matters came to a head he did not hesitate to terminate Borg’s term of office … and close the Laboratory.[2025]

After the Maltese general elections of 11, 12 and 13 June 1932, Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose Mgr Joseph De Piro as one of the clergy representatives in the Maltese Senate.[2026] The Servant of God remained senator until the end of that short legislature, 23 July 1933. During these months he intervened only twice.[2027] On 21 February 1933 he made his second intervention. On this occasion he did not play with his words. He told the senators that what had to be considered an issue of morality was dragged to the political arena and was being discussed within this context.[2028] While the Senate was debating the age when the girls had to be allowed to work in bars, the Servant of God most explicitly said that they did not have to be allowed to work there at any age, whatsoever.[2029] After praising the good intentions of the Minister of police, De Piro showed that according to him the Minister’s intentions were not clear.[2030] He addressed the Minister himself and in direct words asked him to use his power and see to it that there be an implementation of this law.[2031]

When it came to the scope of his Society, the Founder was very clear: he wanted it to work in ad gentes countries.[2032] At the same time he countinuously said that he wanted it to arrive at this by first evengelising the Maltese migrants.[2033] Were he a person who played with words he would have put aside the migrants’ apostolate and mentioned only the ad gentes missions … and he would have got, if not the decretum laudis, at least his affiliation with Propaganda Fide immediately. But De Piro was not like this; he was always clear in his words.

- De Piro respected the roles of others

Peter Camilleri, one of the old boys of St Jospeh’s, Gozo, testified that on his part the Director respected the role of those responsible for the House, “He did not like to interfere with the administration of the Home, but left it to the superior who was in charge.”[2034] A little while after the same Camilleri said also that, “As regards the rest, the Servant of God, did not interfere in the things mentioned; it was more probable that he gave a free hand to those responsible for the running of the home.”[2035]

- De Piro’s ability to relate well with the employees of the entities under his care

Together with the members of De Piro’s Society there were some lay employees at St Joseph’s, Gozo. Carmelo Gauci was the cook there. He could say how the Director behaved in relation to the employees, “Another time I suspected that certain individuals were meeting the Administration of the Gozo Curia to dismiss me. De Piro showed me that he was aware of this, and he accertained me that he would help me to keep my

job.” [2036] Further on he also said:

He also showed interest in the health of his employees. In fact when I was at the Institute and fell ill, De Piro came to see me in bed. He inquired about my illness andin order to see what could be done for me he said he was ready to take me to a doctor, who was a relative of his. As a result a short time after this Fr. Karm took me to Malta to see a certain Professor Debono, who though not related to De Piro examined me very carefully and gave me the necessary help.[2037]

- His ability to seek the help of others

If De Piro was able to cooperate with others and helped them in their work, he himself did not hesitate to ask others to support him in his apostolates. As regards the ecclesiastical charitable institutes under his care the Servant of God sought the cooperation of government minisitries in order to get special financial concessions or some other particular permit.[2038] For the day to day running of these institutions the Director continuously asked the help of the Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus,[2039] the Jesus of Nazareth Sisters[2040] and the members of his Society.[2041] He sought the help of school teachers and instructors to educate and train the boys and girls of these institutes.[2042] At times the Director asked the help even of old boys and girls of these same institutions.[2043] Since these Homes depended on charity, the Servant of God asked the material support of the rich families,[2044] or that of the businessmen,[2045] or that of the common folk.[2046] At times he even asked the cooperation of his mother.[2047] For the daily running of the Sacred Heart Laboratory he accepted the help of Maria Assunta Borg.[2048] In relation to the Oratory, at B’Kara, he again asked the help of the government ministries for certain permits, financial concessions, etc.[2049] As regards the daily running of the Oratory he sought the help of the members of his Society.[2050]

When De Piro started thinking about the foundation of the Society, he consulted with his spiritual directors, Fr Vincent Sammut sj[2051] and Fr Ferrara sj.[2052] He talked to his friends Mgr Francesco Bonnici,[2053] Frs Emanuel Vassallo, [2054] George Bugeja[2055] and John Mamo.[2056] He referred to the Apostolic Visitor to Malta, Mgr Peter La Fontaine,[2057] and Malta’s Archbishop, Peter Pace.[2058] After the foundation of his Society, the Servant of God continued seeking the help of his friends Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo,[2059] Mgr La Fontaine[2060] and that of Mgr Angelo Portelli, the Apostolic Administrator of Malta,[2061] Mgrs Peter Pace,[2062] and Mauro Caruana,[2063] the Archbishop of Malta, Vatican officials,[2064] the canons of the Rabat Collegiate Chapter from whom at one moment he asked temporary lodging for his Society,[2065] the Maltese Jesuits for the secondary education of the members,[2066] the Augustinian Fathers for the literary, philosophical and theological studies of the members,[2067] and a formator for the spiritual and religious formation of the junior members,[2068] various speakers to talk to the members about the missionary aspect of their life,[2069] Maltese migrants, their chaplains and other missionaries for their prayers for the Society,[2070] the help of some lay people like Alphonse Maria Galea,[2071] and the generosity of the benefactors for prayers and financial help.[2072] Not to mention the support he sought from his mother, Ursola.[2073]

- He was able to dialogue

It was since his early teens that Joseph De Piro showed his ability to dialogue. Jerome De Piro, one of the nephews of the Servant of God, testified that when his uncle felt the first inclinations towards the priesthood, he discussed this with his father.[2074]

Some years passed and the Servant of God decided in favour of the priesthood. He therefore went to Rome and started his studies of philosophy and theology. In his second summer holidays he came to Malta and while here he discussed with Mgr Emmanuel Vassallo, the Director of St Joseph’s, his wish to live at the Institute after his priestly ordination.[2075] During the retreat at the beginning of the scholastic year 1901-1902 he even talked to Padre Gualandi, his spiritual director, about his going to the Orphanage.[2076]

Archbishop Peter Pace had been trying to persuade Joseph to continue his studies at the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”.[2077] De Piro was determined not to go there.[2078] In fact he wrote to the Archbishop expressing his wish.[2079] At the same time he showed himself open to know and accept His Excellency’s will.[2080]

After his being ordained priest and some seven years in Malta, Fr Joseph found out that Archbishop Pace had nominated him Monsignor of the Metropolitan Chapter.[2081] On his part De Piro told His Excellency that for more than one reason he did not want to become Canon.[2082] At the same time he was ready to respect the Archbishop’s will.[2083]

In 1925 De Piro was asked by the Gozo parishpirests to start and direct St Joseph’s Institute in their Diocese.[2084] Before this request, Mgr Michael Gonzi, the local Ordinary, had prepared the Statutes[2085] which were sent to the Servant of God.[2086] De Piro did not like some of the articles of these Statutes. [2087] In fact he was going to accept the direction of that Institute only if the Statutes were changed.[2088] But this in itself offered an opportunity for De Piro to dialogue with Gonzi and the parishpriests, so much so that after some corrispondence between the two sides,[2089] Gonzi, De Piro and the parishpriests came to an agreement and the Servant of God became the first Director of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[2090]

It seemed that it was with Padre Gualandi that Joseph talked for the first time about the foundation of a congregation.[2091] On 2 March 1904, Fr Joseph returned to Malta for good and he immediately started meeting other priests with whom he discussed his plans about the foundation of the Society.[2092] On 29 September 1908 he started a similar discussion with Archbishop Peter Pace.[2093] The Servant of God was so much open to dialogue with His Excellency that on the same occasion he asked Pace whether he blessed the project.[2094] Also, the Archbishop mentioned a letter written by the Mill Hill Superior General and promised to send it to him.[2095] The project mentioned in the letter was not similar to that of De Piro, but the latter wanted so much to dialogue that he showed himself ready to abandon his original “idea” and address his energies towards the foundation of the seminary mentioned in the letter.[2096] On 2 November 1909 he even discussed his plans with Mgr Peter La Fontaine, who visited Fra Diegu Institute as Apostolic Visitor.[2097] As regards the development of the Society, De Piro continued dialoguing both with the local and Vatican authorities[2098] and with his companion priests.[2099]

But the Servant of God dialogued not only with his superiors or equals. In 1922 De Piro was made Director of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2100] Immediately after his nomination, there arrived at the Institute a letter addressed to Fr George Bugeja, Monsignor’s predecessor as director of the Orphanage.[2101] In it Mr Costantino Gatt, an emigrant in San Francisco California, U.S.A., invited Bugeja to send to America those St Joseph’s boys who wanted to find work in that country.[2102] Since Fr George had just died, De Piro, being the new Director, was the one to handle the letter. The first thing he did was exactly a dialogue with the eldest boys of the Institute; he shared with them the contents of the letter in order to know the boys’ opinion.[2103]

Round about the year 1914 the Founder was trying to write down the first formal set of rules for his Society. Fr John Vella, one of the first two youths who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910, testified that while writing the first formal draft of the constitutions the Servant of God used to call around him the members and tell them what he was writing.[2104]

As the years passed by, it was the Founder himself who felt the need to ask the Archbishop of Malta to give him the possibility to choose two members of his Society to make up with him the general council. According to De Piro himself these two members were expected to help him especially with the choice of the new entrants and the preservation of the spirit of the Society.[2105]

- De Piro’s gratitude and appreciation

De Piro’s gratitude and appreciation were two virtues so much dear to Servant of God that in the speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi at the opening and blessing of St Joseph’s, Gozo, he said this, “Vien detto che l’ingratitudine è un peccato tanto grande, che nessun legislatore umano abbia maì trovato una pena condegna, ma che questa è riservata unicamente al legislatore Eterno …”[2106]

These two virtues were among those which helped De Piro live and work in unity with others. His gratitude made him recognise and appreciate whatever was done to him personally. Helen Muscat was an oldgirl of Fra Diegu Institute. When she was going to be married she invited the Servant of God to bless her wedding. On her wedding day he told her, “I am so happy that I have come here. The old girls have never invited me to bless their wedding. This is the first wedding I have ever celebrated for the old girls.”[2107] Srs Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella, of Fra Diegu Institute, said that, “On his 25 anniversary of his being director of the Institute he was given lace for his vestment as a gift. With great simplicity he wore it in order to show how pleased he was with it.”[2108]

During De Piro’s two years as rector of the Major Seminary, and on his birthday or onomastic, the seminarians used to organise some small feast in his honour.[2109] A similar thing was done by the members of his Society.[2110] Not to mention the Institutes under his care.[2111] On such occasions he showed a lot of appreciation for what was done in his name.[2112]

Monsignor’s virtue of gratitude made him appreciate and recognise all the efforts made by persons who before him had wished to initiate projects similar to those he himself started or was directing. In the inaugural speech at the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God reminded those present of Mgr Peter Pace who had been Bishop of Gozo, Fr George Bugeja of St Joseph’s, Malta, and all those who before De Piro had wished to set up an Orphanage in Gozo.[2113] In the very short speech with which he greeted Archbishop Peter Pace at the blessing and opening ceremony of the first House of his Society, the Servant of God dedicated a whole paragraph to those zelous members of the Maltese clergy who before him had thought to found a similar Society: Mgrs Francis Bonnici and Emmanuel Debono.[2114]

Monsignor was thankful to the founders of the institutions under his care. In his will he wrote that he left the money for a mass to be said on 13 January of each year for the repose of Fra Diegu Bonanno, the Founder of the girls’ Institute in Hamrun.[2115] In the speech at the ceremony of the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Servant of God expressed his own satisfaction for the progress done on the building , but he also mentioned the satisfaction of Ms Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress of the Institute.[2116] In the welcome speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi at the opening of the St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro showed his appreciation and gratitude for the efforts done by the parishpriests of the Diocese in order to start their own Orphanage.[2117]

It has just been said that in article 8 of his will, Monsignor left a legacy for the celebration of a yearly mass for the repose of Fra Diegu Bonanno. But De Piro was also grateful to his successors in the direction of the Institute; he mentioned even these in his will.[2118] He also included the priests who had given, were giving or were going to give their share in this Orphanage.[2119] And the nuns who were in charge of the day to day running of the Institute.[2120] In the speech of the opening of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Director acknowledged the part played by the cooperators of the Foundress, Guzeppina Curmi.[2121] In a report written to Archbishop Mauro Caruana about the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, the Servant of God made a list of the services given by him in favour of poor and needy girls. In this report De Piro pointed out to the Archbishop that in this ministry there were women who were helping him generously and with a lot of self denial.[2122]

It can be said without hesitation that De Piro appreciated in a special way the support of the benefactors who helped him in his many apostolates. Mother Cleophas Bondin noticed this gratitude of the Director in relation to the benefactors of Fra Diegu Institute,“He gave a lot of importance to the benefactors of the Insititute. He used to organise fairs for the Institute and recreative activities, and he used to invite the nobility for them.”[2123]

In the speech at the opening ceremony of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Servant of God had these words for the benefactors, those whom he considered as “strumenti docili nelle mani di Dio”:

A questo punto mi permetterà di presentare ai nostri benefattori, strumenti docili nelle mani di Dio, i sensi più profondi ed intensi della nostra gratitudine per l’aiuto direi spontaneo ed inspirato, col quale vennero a nostro soccorso per questo primo compimento di un opera da tutti e sempre ammessa come eminentemente sociale e cristiana. Tante erano le industrie del soccorso, da farci spesso sentire la verità, che molte e molte sono le vie della Provvidenza, ma ciò che più rifulse e maggiormente glorificò Iddio, e sarà al certo di conforto a V.E. è la modestia, tutta quanta evangelica, colla quale, al par di messi celesti, ci avvicinavano; non mancarono infatti dei casi in cui appena noi potevamo venire a conoscenza della mano benefica. Da parte nostra corrispondemmo coll’alzare la nostra debole ed umile voce all’Altissimo per ripagarli del centuplo promesso, ed oggi a soddisfare meglio questo dovere, osiamo sempre a nome di tutto l’Istituto, umiliare a V.E. la supplica di ricordare questi nostri buoni benefattori e benefattrici; mentre per le Sue sacre mani, Gesù Ostia verrà immolato al Padre Celeste, per la prima volta, entro questo sacro recinto.[2124]

Loreto Rapa referred to the Director’s appreciation of the benefactors of St Joseph’s, Gozo. He mentioned De Piro’s gratefulness towards these.[2125] Concetta Sciberras, whose family had helped the same Institute in Gozo, said that the Servant of God, “… welcomed us and was very pleased with our presence. He said that the Institute owed its existence to us. In a few words he showed a great appreciation for our work in favour of the Institute.” [2126]

Monsignor himself, in the speech at the opening ceremony of the Gozo Institute had these words for the benefactors of that place, “I nostri sensi di riconoscenza giungano all’orecchio di un numero discreto di benefattori che quale schiame di api, qui’ si aggirano attorno a noi, studiando il modo di opportarci e cera e miele per rendere ques’arnia sempre più atta ad avvantaggiare i poveri ragazzi di Gozo.”[2127]

To show his gratitude to the benefactors of his Society the Servant of God used to publish their names in the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”.[2128] At times he even published in the Almanac short information about some contribution given for the Abyssinia mission of the Society.[2129]

In this gratitude towards the benefactors of the institutions under his care, De Piro did not discriminate in anyway between the big contributors and the small ones. This was witnessed by Mother Pacifica Xuereb of Fra Diegu Institute:

Whenever Providence knocked at the door or I spoke to him of any donation given, he would promptly write a note of thanks to the donor. When the donation was not a big sum and still he would want to write a ticket of thanks, I used to tell him, ‘Why are you sending him a note for such a small sum?’ ‘No,’ he used to say, ‘Small things and big things are the same in God’s eyes. One can give so much and another can give more, but they have both the same merit. Always be grateful for whatever comes as a Providence.[2130]

The Servant of God was also grateful and appreciated the support and backing given him in his apostolate from the Church’s hierarchy. In the speech he delivered at the opening ceremony of the New Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Director referred to the support received from His Excellency, Archbishop Mauro Caruana.[2131] In the speech at the opening ceremony of St Joseph’s, Gozo, and which was addressed to the Diocesan Bishop, the Servant of God showed his gratitude towards His Excellency for his efforts towards the opening of the Institute. Amongst others he told Mgr Gonzi:

Vivissime grazie pertanto siano rese dinanzi a tutti a V. E. per la generosità ed abnegazione con cui accolse nella Sua Diocesi questa nuova sezione della casa di San Giuseppe di Hamrun. L’azione nobile spiegata verso di noi, sarà per noi e ei nostri successori di edificazione non solo, ma anche uno sprone continuo a corrispondere ‘totis viribus’ allo sviluppo e completo stabilimento di questo Orfanatrofio …[2132]

In the above mentioned speech the Servant of God thanked also the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, for making it possible that there be in Gozo an extension of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2133]

In the already mentioned ceremony of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God showed even his appreciation to the civil authorities for the support they showed in the foundation of the Institute. In the speech addressed to the Diocesan Bishop, De Piro thanked the, “… membri componenti il Governo di queste Isole nonchè a quelli delle due Camere pel sussidio finanziario assegnato a quest’Opera nascente.”[2134]

But not only this! Immediately after this address to Mgr Gonzi, the Director delivered another one to the Governor General.[2135] It was the latter whom De Piro asked to open the Orphanage.[2136] The same recognition and appreciation Monsignor showed to the civil authorities in the corrispondence he had with the same. After asking something or other for St Joseph’s, Malta or Gozo, for the Oratory at B’Kara or for his Society, he always thanked the one or ones who helped him.[2137]

De Piro has already been presented as a realistic and down to earth person. When he was pushing forward some project or other he never alienated himself from what was not yet done. At the same time the virtue of gratefulness made him even appreciate what had already been done. The Servant of God had worked a lot to see the first part of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute ready. In 1930 there was still more to be done. At the same time the Director was quite appreciative of the part that had already been built. This is what he said to those present at the opening of the building of the Zejtun Institute, “L’odierna sacra e cara ceremonia forma una prima tappa del cammino che ancora ci rimane, essa è una dolce e soave oasi che ci rinnova la lena per riprendere il viaggio, essa è il primo pianerottolo di una scala ben più alta …”[2138]

But without doubt De Piro was first and foremost grateful to God … and his providence. He had been thinking about his vocation since he was 14.[2139] For some time he did not think about it any more,[2140] until there came a time when he put to writing the reasons in favour and against the priesthood.[2141] In reason 5 in favour of this call, the Servant of God showed his gratitude to the suffering love of Jesus Christ, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli sofferto pei mei peccati.”[2142]

In his sermons De Piro preached a lot his gratitude towards God and the divine love. In a most explicit way his sermons about the Incarnation of the Son of God,[2143] those about the Eucharist,[2144] and the ones about the Sacred heart of Jesus,[2145] were from beginning to end an acknowledgement of the divine love.[2146] Although in his other sermons the Servant of God dealt with other topics, but even in these he explicited his acknowledgement of the divine love.[2147] In his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” De Piro published an article which he called “Treasures”.[2148] In this writing of his, the Servant of God reminded the readers about some of the gifts donated to us by God: our faith, our fatherland and the virtue of charity. In relation to the latter he put down these words, “Then Charity is treasure above treasures. It is the queen of virtues, the fullness of perfection, God himself. And who is like God? Man’s first and greatest obligation is to love first and above all else the great God our Lord because we owe it only to Him what we are and what we have.”[2149]

In the very first entry in his Diary, Joseph De Piro said that after his priestly ordination he wished to settle at St Joseph’s, Malta. A little while after he put another entry. In this one he mentioned the Orphanage in relation to the foundation of his Society. In a very clear way he acknowledged that the Congregation was not his but God’s own project, “… Iddio da questo Istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione …”[2150]

The Founder continued in this same way in his correspondence with the local and Vatican hierarchy: he repeatedly showed his gratitude towards God’s help for him and the members of his Society. In fact in a brief note about the history of the Society, written on 22 August 1916, the Founder wrote that, “… pure d’altra parte la Divina Provvidenza non mancò di lenire i guai, interpolando le contrarietà con delle soavi consolazioni …”[2151]

Not to mention his many expressions like: “… grazie a Dio …”[2152] and “…ringrazio la Divina Providenza …”[2153]

Francis Scerri, a lay catechist at the B’Kara Oratory, witnessed to De Piro’s acknowledgement of God’s help in his life, “Whenever he finished something, he used to go to the chapel to pray.”[2154]

But De Piro’s acknowledgement of God’s help in the life of the Society showed most when the Founder quoted Psalm 127 (126): at the beginning of each one of the three sections of the Constitutions, “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labor in vain.”[2155]

(vi) A limitless incentive and creativity

As Director of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, De Piro never put any limits as to how many boys or girls there had to be in a particular institute. On the opposite, the Servant of God did his best to welcome all those who showed their wish to enter anyone of the institutes under his care. At the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Br Felix Muscat referred to the building extensions the Director intended to do at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2156] When in 1922 the Servant of God accepted the direction of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, he immediately involved himself in the building of the new big Home in Zejtun.[2157] It was exactly De Piro’s continuous non acceptance of a numerus clausus in the institutes led by him that was going to be one of the reasons why he was thinking not to accept the direction of St Joseph’s, Gozo. In the original statutes written by Bishop Michael Gonzi, his Excellency limited the number of boys to 24.[2158] The Servant of God considered this as, “… certe suscettibilità poco conformi ai sentimenti di carità … a cui deve inspirarsi la contemplata opera di beneficenza”[2159]

It was only after Bishop Gonzi changed the original statutes[2160] that De Piro accepted to initiate, and then direct, the Institute.

Some five years after opening St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro immediately started thinking about the building of a new Institute.[2161] It was only because of the opposition from the side of the farmer who cultivated the land where the new Institue was going to be built, that Monsignor’s dream never came to fruition.[2162]

If Monsignor never limited the number of boys and girls in his Institutes, so much so did he not reserve the institutes for any particular type or types of boys and girls. In Malta there is still another Institute directed by the Salesians of Don Bosco which existed even at the time of the Servant of God. Until today the direction of this Home chooses which boys to accept in it. Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit witnessed that, “Mgr De Piro accepted all, even those not accepted at the Institute run by the Salesians.”[2163] Cachia Zammit, a medical doctor, continued saying that, “… these children, besides being poor, were in many cases dirty and infested with infections.”[2164] The same Cachia Zammit narrated this story to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal:

As regards the case of the children I insist that he did his utmost, so much so that my father said that he knew about four unfortunate boys who lived like animals; they had no food or clothes and much less care of their souls. This was so because their mother had died and their father was busy with his work at St. Lucian’s Tower. My father informed Mr. Fons about them. The latter approached Mons. De Piro and asked him to keep them at St. Joseph’s. In fact Mons. De Piro without hesitation accepted three of them in the Institute ant took care of them; the fourth one was in the care of my father.[2165]

Nazzareno Attard, an oldboy of St Joseph’s, Malta, testified that he was himself handicapped.[2166] In relation to St Joseph’s, Gozo, Loreto Rapa said that, “… I remember that the Servant of God accepted a handicapped boy …”[2167]

De Piro’s limitless love for the poor boys and girls of the institutes could be seen in the never ending patience he himself practiced towards these orphans. The same unlimited patience he wanted to be lived by those who took care of the boys and girls. Mother Cleophas Bondin, of Fra Diegu Institute, said that, “When I talked to him about the behaviour of the girls he used to tell me, ‘We must thank God they are here instead of being somwhere else.’ ”[2168] And, “I do not know that he ever shouted at the girls. He always treated them kindly. Whatever he could give them he gave them. He was all out to make them happy.”[2169] Sr Assunta Galea testified that, “Whenever he came to Fra Diegu Institute and saw some girl standing in the corridor because she would have been up to some mischief he used to remark, ‘Oh, poor girl, what did she do? Please have mercy on her, Mother.’ Then he used to turn to the girl and tell her, ‘Will you promise Mother you will never do it again?’ ”[2170]

Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that the Director always said to the Sisters not to shout at the girls but to be always patient at them.[2171] The same Xuereb said even this to the Ecclesiastica Tribunal:

Children in those days were a bit naughty and whenever there used to be a girl who was up to some mischief, mother superior used to bring her in front of Monsignor and tell him, “Monsignor, I brought her in front of you so that you correct her.” “Yes, bring her in,” he answered. Do not think that he shouted at her! Not at all. He used to tell her some words in a gentle way. He would warn her not to do it again and never punish her for whatever she would have done. Even whenever he spoke to the girls together about their behaviour, he never used harsh words.[2172]

The Servant of God wanted that the Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth Institute behaved in the same way with the orphans of their Institute, “Once he saw me, Sr Pia, shouting with a girl. He immediately told me, ‘Oh, be gentle witht the girls.’ ‘It is useless to tell them anything,’ I answered him. ‘And we tell them continuously! Imagine we do not tell them,’ he replied.”[2173]

Fra Diegu Institute was originally founded in 1886 in a small house in Birkirkara.[2174] It then passed on to another house in Hamrun and then to another one in the same town.[2175] By 1907, when De Piro took over the administration of the Home,[2176] it was already providing for at least the basic needs of the girls. Yet, the Servant of God himself started examining the girls for their First Holy Communion.[2177] Carmena Mallia, an oldgirl of the Institute, mentioned the introduction of the devotion to Our Lady of Pompei by the Servant of God.[2178] Mallia also testified that although at Fra Diegu there already existed some trades before the coming of Monsignor, he increased their number.[2179] He even invited important people to visit the institute, [2180] and buy the objects made by the girls.[2181] She also said that they were even given some money.[2182] Srs Pauline Cilia and Eletta Sant, nuns at Fra Diegu at the time of the Servant of God, and Elena Refalo, one of De Piro’s nieces, referred to the introduction of the Christmas Tree.[2183]

At the Jesus of Nazareth Institute the situation was completely different. Although Guzeppina Curmi, the Foundress, had started gathering the girls as early as 1913,[2184] she did not have a proper house where to hospitalise them. Therefore when De Piro, in 1922, was asked by Archbishop Caruana to take over the direction of the Institute,[2185] he immediately started helping Curmi to build a new Institute. From the documents, one can easily conclude that it was he who in fact took care of the building.[2186] After the construction work was ready De Piro even helped the organisation of the day to day needs of the girls living there.[2187]

De Piro’s limitless dedication for the poor orphans of St Joseph’s, Malta, made him do his best to find work for the eldest of those youths, in the United States of America. When the Director received the letter written by migrant Costantino Gatt to Fr George Bugeja,[2188] he immediately wrote to Malta’s Prime Minister asking him to subsidise the trip expenses of those lads who wanted to go abroad.[2189]

The House for babies at St Joseph’s, Malta, was another of the neverending list of projects of De Piro in favour of the Maltese orphans.[2190]

Monsignor did not limit his charity to the inmates of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes; his helping hands were stretched as far as the very poor families of the orphans. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu, was quite explicit about this, “The parents of children at the Institue also benefited from his generosity … he gave financial aid to those families who needed it.”[2191] Mother Pacifica Xuereb said almost the same thing, “He was a man of great charity… For example, some of the children’s mothers used to come and visit them; he used to give them some money he himslef was going to spend.”[2192] Not to mention the various entries in the Petty Cash Book “Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932”. In this ledger the Servant of God registered, amongst others, the various donations he made to the families of the boys who were at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2193]

As long as the boys were still at St Joseph’s Institute they were never given any money by the Director for any work they did there. Instead, according to Nazzareno Attard, some money was saved for them and this was given to the boys when they left the Institute.[2194] Carmena Mallia said the same thing as regards the girls of Fra Diegu Institute:

His care for us was not limited to our stay at the Institute but followed us even when we came to leave. It pleased him to buy bales of cloth for making into clothes, and when we reached the age of fifteen he would tell the Mother Superior to prepare a parcel with the clothes we needed when we left the Institute, and to start putting by a little money regularly to be given to girls at the time of their departure.[2195]

The Director continued following the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes even after they left the Homes. More than once he helped financially those who left St Joseph’s, Malta.[2196] In the name of the old girls of Fra Diegu Institute the Servant of God made several petitions to the Archbishop in order to get for them the money of legacies from the Curia.[2197] On the 25 anniversary as director of Fra Diegu, he invited the old girls of the Institute. In the speech he delivered on the occasion h showed them that he was still their father, “If you would be in need of anything come to me, do not hesitate. The fact that you have left the Institute must not hinder you from coming.”[2198]

De Piro’s limitless creativity, inventiveness and initiative in favour of the old girls, especially those of Fra Diegu, made him found, in 1927, the Sacred Heart Laboratory in Valletta.[2199] Here the girls could learn a trade, practise that same trade, get paid for the work they did, and in this way got a living.[2200] For the Servant of God this did not mean only creating the idea and then selling it to someone else. He begged the government to lend him the place.[2201] He had to work hard for the money he needed in order to rent the place.[2202] There was need of instructors to teach the girls the trades.[2203] And Monsignor had to seek the cooperation of a lady, Maria Assunta Borg, in order to be in charge of the day to day running of the place, a cooperation that was not easy to work out with Borg.[2204]

Though as Senator he had never intervened in the Senate sessions of the Third Maltese Parliament, when it came to the life of the old boys and old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes De Piro made a memorable speech in order to keep back the ex inmates of the charitable institutes from living in the streets.[2205]

De Piro was not interested only in the work the employees did at St Joseph’s Institute. In the employees the Director saw more than the workers. For him these were human beings. He was sensitive enough to notice their needs. He was also “courageous” enough to take some money from the Institute, a money he so much needed for the boys and the building extensions of the Orphanage, and give that money to the employees or their families. According to George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, the Director used to pay the workers himself so that he could give some extra money to those who needed it, without anyone else knowing it.[2206] De Piro gave money to a certain Nazzareno Attard who was injured at work at St Joseph’s.[2207]

In 1911 Fr Joseph De Piro was chosen by Archbishop Peter Pace as Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral.[2208] On his part the Servant of God did not want.[2209] It was only out of obedience to His Excellency that he accepted. [2210] De Piro was first made coadjutor to Mgr Vincent Vassallo who was the dean of the Cathedral. Therefore when Vassallo died the Servant of God substituted him even in this role.[2211] Because of this status De Piro was afterwards involved in hundred and one committees, commissions, councils, etc., both ecclesiastical and civil.[2212] Amongst these there was his being the first representative of the Metropolitan Chapter in the 1918-1921 National Assembly of Sir Filippo Sceberras.[2213] De Piro’s unlimited option for the needy made him accept. During the second session of the National Assembly there started the riots of the Sette Giugno.[2214] The members of the Assembly were asked to intervene and help their Maltese brothers and sisters get their basic right from the British authorities.[2215] Only a handful of the members offered themselves.[2216] Again De Piro’s limitless dedication to the poor made him be one of the volunteers.[2217] Since, on that very day, 7 June 1919, four Maltese were killed and several were wounded, there was set up the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919.[2218] Because of his never ending selfgiving, the Servant of God accepted to be the cashier of this Committee.[2219]

De Piro’s limitless dedication to the needy could be noticed most clearly even in his zeal to catechise. Christian Scerri said this to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, “When I used to meet him (the Servant of God) on the bridge going to Mtarfa for the catechism classes, because he taught catechism there… Yes, when he found out that the children of this area did not learn any catechism he started going there himself. And he was a Monsignor already!”[2220]

The above testimony meant that the Servant of God did this evangelisation when he was already burdened with a lot of responsibilities! We do not know for which specific years Scerri was referring to, but if we were to take into consideration even the very first year of De Piro’s Monsignorate we find out that by that time he was already Director of Fra Diegu Institute. This had something like 138 girls in it[2221] and the Director there had to go as far as running here and there begging alms for the girls and the nuns who took care of them. Also, a year before becoming Monsignor, in 1910, he had just started his missionary Society. Its members depended on him for all the aspects of their life, whether human, academic or spiritual. And, De Piro went to Mtarfa on foot. This meant a half hour walk! Not to mention the fact that especially in those days the Maltese would have never imagined a Monsignor teaching catechism to small children. More and more was this not conceived by the Monsignori themselves. It was considered a lot downgrading for these dignitaries! Besides, this, Monsignor came from a noble family, and therefore himself a noble!

In the Church’s charitable institutes the Director was not satisfied with only providing for the basic needs of the poor boys and girls who lived there. He himself checked their preparation for their first holy communion and confirmation.[2222]

When it came to his Society, the Servant of God wanted that even its members would be unlimited in their availability towards the needy; the Founder introduced them even to the catechetical evangelisation.[2223]

At the beginning of the Society the catechism imparted in Rabat, Malta, was many a times given in the parishchurch for all ages together.[2224] According to Christian Scerri, De Piro and his Society were not satisfied with only gathering together the boys; they wanted to have something more organised according to ages, or at least according to stages, “… in order to gather together the boys for catechism. After a while there were added another two classes, one for the First Holy Communion and another one for Confirmation. His first attempt was to gather together the boys after the First Holy Communion.”[2225]

Paul Sammut, another witness in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, confirmed that De Piro and his Society formed separate classes for the children of different ages.[2226]

As time passed De Piro and his Society entered St Joseph’s, Malta. There the boys were provided with catechetical formation. Even here this was given according to age groups.[2227]

At the time of the foundation of the Society the teaching of catechism was restricted to the preparation of the children for their first holy communion and their confirmation. De Piro and his Society gave this, but since the very first years of the Society even more was offered. Joseph Tonna said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that, “There we were prepared for our first Holy Communion and our Confirmation and there was also another class for those who wished to continue after that. There were therefore classes for the youngest ones, those preparing for their first Holy Communion and those more advanced.”[2228]

The fact that at St Jospeh’s, Malta, there were four separate classes, according to the ages of the boys,[2229] signified in itself that the Director and the members of his Society followed the boys further than their confirmation.

The limitless charity of De Piro and the members of his Society towards the needy made them offer a catechism more organised than that found in other places. Joseph Tonna confirmed this:

… at Rabat … lessons … could hardly say that they were very well organized. On the other hand in the house of the Society in Mdina things were very much better run and organized. So much so that every Wednesday the advanced class held a special service known as ‘Massime Eterne’. Brother Joseph Caruana, who was responsible for the teaching of catechism would read the ‘Massime’ while they sat around a table on which stood a crucifix and a skull. Then again every Sunday we would meet for Mass, generally at the Cathedral, and we also had every facility to go to Confession.” [2230]

This was also a time when the teaching of catechism was synonymous with memory work. Paul Sammut testified that the Servant of God and the members of his Society did not stop at this; they offered something further than memorising:

Memory work became limited. More emphasis was laid on deeper learning of things already known; they even introduced meditation. This was often held in a special room where, in addition to the benches, there used to be a table with a skull and cross on it. The room was dark with only a candle or lamp for a light. Often, the teacher encouraged us to use our imagination and make use of daily material things to remember God, and other spiritual things - a kind of ‘memorial exercise’.[2231]

At St Joseph’s, Malta, there were four catechism classes.[2232] As regards the first and the second, the catechetical moment was known as “istruzione religiosa”.[2233] Instructions are not memory work! As regards the fourth class the moment of catechism was known as “spiega catech., e memoria”,[2234] which means that there was the distinction between catechism and memory work. Therefore the Director who sat the timetable, and the members of the Society who imparted the teaching, knew that there was memory work and they did give it. At the same time they also gave catechism which they presented as distinct from memory work.

The Founder so much wanted that the members of his Society impart more than memory work that in the Constitutions he put down these words, “Ove è possibile perciò nelle nostre case … verrà istituita una Congregazione … i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studio.”[2235]

Although the Piccola Casa San Paolo was in Mdina boys came even from Rabat for their catechetical classes; De Piro and his Society’s members did not put any geographical bounderies for their catechetical service. Joseph Tonna was quite explicit about this, “I may say here, that these classes were not exclusively for us Mdina children, but children from Rabat were also accepted…”[2236]

De Piro was so much limitless in his selfgiving in evangelising the Maltese in Malta that he was not satisfied with his own catechising activity mentioned just above. Nor was he contented with having the Society doing this same apostolate. Nor was he satisfied with his own frequent preaching on many topics in the various parts of Malta. In 1921 the Servant of God set up the first edition of his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” for the year 1922. He continued compiling it until 1932 when he prepared the one for the year 1933.[2237]

When De Piro started publishing the Almanac he had been director of Fra Diegu Institute since 1907.[2238] In 1910 he had founded his missionary Society,[2239] the members of which depended absolutely on him.[2240] He had been made Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral in 1911,[2241] and its dean in 1920.[2242] In 1921, the National Assembly, of which Monsignor had been member since its beginning in 1918,[2243] had just finished its drafting of a constitution for Malta.[2244] Without doubt, all these activities were already a lot for one person. Imagine adding to all these the publication of an almanac. And Fr Augustine Grech testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that it was the Founder who wrote most of the material of this yearly publication.[2245]

And De Piro continued this particular evangelisation even when his work increased considerably with his being nominated director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute,[2246] St Joseph’s, Malta,[2247] St Joseph’s, Gozo,[2248] the House for Babes[2249] and St Francis de Paul.[2250] In 1927 the Servant of God, after a lot of efforts,[2251] succeeded in sending the first missionary to Abyssinia,[2252] a project that implied a lot of work even after its being initiated, including the St Agatha’s Laboratory and the Somalia Museum in order to support this same mission.[2253] In 1928 he founded the Sacred Heart Laboratory for the old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes.[2254] During these same years he did not abandon his Society. On the opposite he introduced in it such new elements as the aspirandate at the Oratory, B’Kara,[2255] and the novitiate for the Brothers at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2256] In 1932 Monsignor was chosen as one of the two representatives of the clergy in the Third Maltese Parliament.[2257] Not to mention the many committees, commissions, boards, etc., of which De Piro was a member.[2258]

And what about the financing of such an evangelising initiative as the Alamanac? The Servant of God had been the source of income for all the needs of his Society,[2259] let alone of the Almanac. There could have been some benefactors who gave small donations for its publication. But were these enough?

The contents of the Almanac continued proving De Piro’s limitless selfconsecration for the Maltese in Malta who were in need of strengthening the various elements of their faith. On the one hand the Servant of God did not restrict himself to only a few topics about which he felt himself comfortable to write. Rather, he presented material that had to do with most of the elements of the christian life of the Maltese who lived in Malta.[2260] But Monsignor was not satisfied with this; he also treated another two topics in the Almanac: the Maltese migrants[2261] and the ad gentes people.[2262]

With his writing about the Maltese migrants De Piro helped the Maltese around him be informed about their brothers and sisters who lived away from their country.[2263] He encouraged the Maltese at home to pray for the migrants.[2264] De Piro also encouraged the Maltese in Malta to pray for the youths so that after being gifted by God with the priestly or religious vocation could go to their migrant brothers and sisters and help them with their second evangelisation.[2265] The Almanac was also accessible to already ordained priests and prefessed religious. With its publication the Servant of God could encourage these priests and religious to leave Malta and Gozo in search of an apostolate among the Maltese in far away countries.

Writing in the Almanac about the ad gentes missions the Servant of God helped his conationals to be informed about the missonary activity of the Church and also to be formed in the missionary spirit.[2266] The Maltese had already been very generous in their help for the missions. With their reading about the Church’s activity in these countries they could pray more for the missions and become more enthusiastic and generous financially. Even here De Piro expressed his wish that more priests and religious would go to mission countries and do first evangelisation.

What helped De Piro live his limitless incentive and creativity

- Zeal, devoted dedication, responsibility, determination, courage, perseverance and consistency

The virtues that existed in the Servant of God could not but make De Piro express his charity through a limitless incentive and creativity. At the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that De Piro had the virtues necessary to face the many difficulties in order to run the institutes under his care.[2267] On 2 August 1907 the Archbishop of Malta, Mgr Peter Pace, chose the Servant of God, Director of Fra Diegu Institute.[2268] In the nomination decree His Excellency referred to several of the virtues of Fr Joseph.[2269] Among these there was mentioning of the latter’s zeal.[2270] The author of the article “Giubileo Sacerdotale”, published in the journal “Malta” of 19 April 1927, mentioned “the devoted dedication” of the Servant of God. [2271] In 1920 De Piro was Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Monsignor of the Metropolitan Cathedral, member of the National Assembly, had just finished his mediations in the Sette Giugno riots and was more than busy with his nascent Society. He was also going to end his two year rectorship at the Major Seminary in Mdina. In spite of all these heavy duties, he possessed so much the virtue of responsibility that he did not keep back from giving the Archbishop a detailed report about the various aspects of the life of the Seminary.[2272] For Loreto Rapa, an oldboy of St Jospeh’s, Gozo, the Monsignor had three important virtues which helped a lot his limitless incentive and creativity. Among these Rapa mentioned the Director’s determination and courage. [2273]

The two virtues just mentioned, the Servant of God lived also in a particular way when founding the Society and during the first years of its existence. In order to initiate the Society and help it go further, the Founder faced many difficulties. Among these there was the fact that Propaganda Fide was unable to understand how the Society could be ad gentes and at the same time be destined to work first and foremost among the Maltese migrants.[2274] De Piro wrote many times to the officials of the Congregation,[2275] and he himself went to Rome to explain well his plans.[2276] Although he had thought that he had made himself clear,[2277] Propaganda did not accept Monsignor’s Society as a one for the ad gentes countries.[2278] Yet, the Founder was not disheartened and did not give up. On the opposite he kept on trying until he had his Society approved.[2279] This was also the fruit of his perseverance, which helped him face this particular challenge and many other challenges such as the going away of several of the first members of his Society.[2280]

During the Sette Giugno riots Monsignor showed his great perseverance and consistency. The National Assembly, set up by Sir Filippo Sceberras, had 270 members.[2281] During its second meeting, held on 7 June 1919, some Maltese who were in Valletta “strugling” for their fundamental rights, entered the Assembly Hall and asked their representatives to intervene on their behalf.[2282] Only six of the many members offered to mediate between the Maltese and the British government. De Piro was one of the six.[2283] Out of these six, only three continued till Sunday, 8 June.[2284] The following day, Monday, 9 June, the Servant of God was alone defending the Archbishop.[2285]

His perseverence, consistency and determination made him continue till the end not only in the Sette Giugno events. Together with a lot of patience these same virtues also showed continuously before De Piro founded the Society and all along the first years of its existance. Some of the Maltese clergy could not understand his “idea”.[2286] Propaganda Fide never understood how he could set up a society ad gentes and at the same time mention so much the work among Maltese migrants.[2287] After the foundation in 1910 he and the members had to go from one house to another because it was not possible to start the building of the main House until 1932.[2288] Many youths who joined the Society abandoned it after a while.[2289] Even the first priest left to become diocesan.[2290]

- De Piro’s belief in God’s providence

When Mr Alphonse Maria Galea was sent by the Archbishop’s Curia to inspect the ledgers of Fra Diegu Institute, he presented a report to His Excellency which covered the years 1907-1915.[2291] Amongst others he presented an excellent certificate about De Piro’s trust in God’s Providence:

… non che quello formato per le economie del presente Direttore ed Amministratore dell’Istituto, Monsignor Can. Don Giuseppe di Marchesi De Piro d’Amico, durante i suddetti otto anni di sua gestione; e mentre l’E.V. Revma m’ha offerta un’altra occasione di ammirare la Providenza Divina, mi è grato di rilevare che coll’aiuto di Dio, con insistente affetto filiale implorato dall’Amministratore e con ferma fiducia di esserne esaudito …[2292]

Br Paul Spiteri OSA, an ex member of De Piro’s Society, witnessed to the trust in providence of the Servant of God as Director of St Joseph’s Institute.[2293] As did Ms Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of Monsignor.[2294] On 16 July 1930 there was the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun. On this occasion the Servant of God delivered a speech in which he reminded those present of the difficulties met with while building the place. But he also referred to God’s help, “Ma ora che il passato venne superato, godiamo! Perchè non ci resta che di lodare l’azione divina, che prevenne ed accompagnò, l’umile, se non inutile, opera nostra.”[2295]

On 25 December 1924 Fr Jospeh Hili wrote to De Piro in the name of all the Gozo parishpriests and asked him to start and direct St Joseph’s Institute, there.[2296] The Servant of God wrote to Mgr Caruana, Malta’s Archbishop, to get from him the permission to do this.[2297] In this letter of De Piro to Caruana, the Servant of God said that he was accepting, “…fidandosi sempre nell’aiuto della Divina Providenza …”[2298]

When dealing with the Bishop of Gozo about the foundation and opening of an orphanage there, De Piro could not accept that the statutes made by His Excellency would include a numerus clausus of boys who could be accepted at the Institute.[2299] For him this was nothing but, “… certe suscettibilità poco conformi ai sentimenti di carità e di fiducia nella Divina Providenza a cui deve ispirarsi la contemplata opera di beneficenza.”[2300]

In a letter De Piro himself wrote to the Superintendent of Public Works on 12 January 1930, the Director of St Joseph’s, Gozo, showed that he was planning to build another Institute and he wished that the government would give him some land next to the existant Home. Monsignor himself admitted that at the moment of writing the petition he had no money, but, “… the mere fact of having acquired the site will, under divine guidance loosen the purse-strings of people who can afford to defray the necessary cost.”[2301]

In the very beginning of the petty cash book of the Sacred Heart Laboratory, De Piro put really strong words as regards his complete trust in God’s help. In the very first page of this register the Director declared that he was starting the administration of this Workshop, “In Nomine Sacri Cordis Jesu. Amen.”[2302] Then at the beginning of the income and expenditure columns of each year of the Workshop’s existence, the Servant of God always put the words, “Spes mea Deus”[2303]

The two declarations just mentioned, or others similar to them, were made by the Servant of God even in the petty cash books of his Society. In fact they can still be seen in the Registro della Dispensa,[2304] in the Spesa Giornaliera della Piccola Casa di San Paolo,[2305] in the Libro Cassa,[2306] in the Educandato Santa Maria, Oratorio, B’Cara – Registro Primo,[2307] in Borsa di studio affidata alla Vergine Maria Assunta[2308] and in the Procura, Missione d’Abissinia - Libro Cassa presso l’Economo Generale.[2309]

The Founder lived his belief in God’s Providence within the context of his Society even at other times and in other different circumstances. In the speech delivered at the opening of the first house in Mdina, the Founder admitted with Archbishop Pace and those present, that the house lacked a lot of things, but he trusted in God’s help.[2310] This trust in God’s support he continued referring to many a times in his corrispondence about the Society’s foundation. He used such expressions as: “la fiducia … la Providenza Divina,” [2311] “abbandonarmi intieramente nelle mani della Divina Providenza,”[2312] “aiuto del Divino Maestro,”[2313] “la Divina Providenza non mancò di lenire i guai, interpolando le contrarietà con delle soavi consolazioni,”[2314] “il Signore ci farà assaggiare qualche frutto di tante fatiche e sacrifici,”[2315] “disponente la Divina Providenza,”[2316] “grazie a Dio,”[2317] “piacendo a Dio,”[2318] “aiuto di Dio.”[2319]

In the Constitutions the Founder wrote for the Society, he saw to it that each of the three sections began with the first verse of Psalm 127 (126): “Unless the Lord builds the house, those who build it labour in vain …”[2320] On the occasion of the blessing of the foundation stone of St Agatha’s MotherHouse, De Piro delivered a speech which he addressed to Archbishop Mauro Caruana and those present.[2321] After beginning this speech with the same Biblical verse mentioned just above, the Servant of God said what these words meant for him:

Nisi Dominus aedificaverit domum, in vanum laboravernut qui aedificant eam.

Your Excellency,

The divine words kindle total trust in us, without any reserve, in God’s help. Better still, they give us strong faith in the first movement of the Principal Agent; they were already chosen and placed at the beginning of the rules which guide the new Missionary Institute which gathered us here for the benefit of its increase and prosperity. These words are, no less fitting and worthy to be remembered to day.

As everybody knows- Your Excellency- God’s works and not ours, bear contrariety as a sign and as an ornament. In the work we have before us and in our hands, for the span of about fourteen years, there were so many difficulties one after the other, that they could have tired every man. But since it was God who set to work at the task, His servants never lacked courage. Moreover, like a firm and sweet breeze God’s spirit which always accompanied the difficulty blew in the sails of our poor boat, troubled by the waves.[2322]

Further on in his speech, the Founder continued referring to God’s Providence:

… on the other hand we look upwards and put our hope in him who is Our most beloved Father because, when God is building, those who build the walls do not labour in vain. We find another consolation in the thought full of truth that God’s power which made everything out of nothing and the power of the God Man who fed thousands of people from five loaves, has never changed and is still there for ever.[2323]

Camillo Aquilina, one of the first members of the Society said that the Founder, “… had great faith in Providence. Whenever we went to him and told him that we had something missing he always told us, ‘The Lord will provide.’ ”[2324]

The Founder was going to send Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia. Since Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., was in charge of this mission he asked De Piro what payment he expected to get for this missionary. The Servant of God wrote back to Mizzi and told him, “In quanto al pagamento dell’individuo non esigo niente, il Signore benedirà l’opera nostra.” [2325]

De Piro trusted in divine providence not only as regards money and material things; he also believed that God helped priestly vocations. Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that the Servant of God paid the money for the education of a Sicilian youth, whom he met during mass and who showed his wish to become priest. Xuereb adviced De Piro to pay attention for the boy’s real intentions. In fact it happened that the boy , after getting a good education, abandoned his vocation. Mother told Monsignor about this, and he answered her, “Do not ever worry, and tell Saviour not to worry at all. These things are understood only by God.”[2326]

De Piro shared with Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., this conviction about God’s sending him new members for his Society. Br Joseph Caruana was going to Abyssinia and the Founder wanted to introduce him with the Capuchin Friar. He also referred to what encouraged him to send Caruana to the missions, “Io perdo il suo aiuto quà ma sono contento di fare questo sacrificio nella persuasione che il Signore manderà altri a supplirlo.”[2327]

The Servant of God considered as part of God’s providence even the aspects of the negative side of life. On 10 January 1898, while on a holiday in Italy, Joseph’s father fell ill and after a short while died[2328] leaving his wife Ursola a widow and his nine children orphans. At the end of this same year, while a seminarian at the Capranica College for his first year of priestly studies, Joseph wrote to his mother, brothers and sisters, “L’altro anno secondo il nostro modo di vedere, ci è stato sfortunato, dico cosi’ perchè Iddio non opera che perfettamente e le sue azioni non possono essere altro che ottime; e poi in quella circostnza siamo stati tanto consolati, che non esito a dire che la nostra consolazione sopraffece il dolore della sfortuna.”[2329]

On 18 April 1925 there was published the decree with which De Piro was declared director of St Jospeh’s, Gozo.[2330] After this, Monsignor went to Gozo to prepare the old house which was expected to welcome the orphans in it. On 25 April, after waking up from his siesta, some stone slabs gave way under him, and he fell down about 4 metres, finding himself in the coal room below.[2331] He was not badly heart, but he could not walk for some days and therefore he had to stay for a while in bed. On 30 April he wrote to Fr Michael Callus, one of the members of his Society, who was in Malta. In this letter the Director referred to this accident, “Sia ringraziato il Signore che tra tanta prosperità ha voluto visitarci con un poco di contrarietà. Del resto anche questo saprà volgerla a favore quest’opera nascente.”[2332]

- Did not give up when facing difficulties because he believed that God’s help was stronger than the devil’s power

Even when faced with difficulties, the Servant of God did not give up; he considered them as coming from the devil and therefore as being challenges which had to be faced and overcome. After he had already decided on the date of opening of the St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo, De Piro fell from the first floor to the second one. In his speech addressed to the Diocesan Bishop at the opening celebration of the Institute, De Piro was quite explicit, “Ecco il momento propizio al nemico di ogni bene, approfittandosi del nostro intento e maliziosamente secondando lo stesso, divisò di seppellire, tra le macerie,la opera anche prima, direi che fosse nata, e cosi impedire perfino un grido infantile ad una piccola batteria che veniva costruita contro il suo campo.”[2333] Loreto Rapa, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, confirmed this attitude of the Director.[2334]

The Servant of God considered in the same way the accident where a boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, was terrified because he said he had seen a Turk in the House.[2335]

At the same time the Director strongly believed that the help from God is stronger than the evil power. During the actual opening celebration, the Director delivered a speech to the Governor General, and then another one to the Diocesan Bishop, Mgr Gonzi. In this latter one De Piro showed his belief in the divine power, “… per renderci sempre più perseveranti nel tenere in alto il nostro sguardo ed anche il nostro cuore … Ma viva a Dio che innanzi a Lui umiltà non significa distruzione; la parte comica della diabolica manovra superò la parte tragica, ed il sentimento di riconoscenza che occupò il nostro cuore in sull’istante traboccò nel canto triplice dell’Inno Eucaristico.”[2336]

This belief he used to share even with the boys of St Joseph’s, Gozo. Loreto Rapa said that, “This courage of the Servant of God, was not only a natural quality but it was the effect of the faith he had in divine providence. Sometimes he told us not to be discouraged when facing difficulties, for God knew what he was doing and would not leave us alone.”[2337]

- Strong intellect, realistic and practical

When Mr George Pisani was witnessing at the Gozo Ecclesiastical Tribunal he mentioned Monsignor’s strong intellect.[2338] In the speech addressed to Bishop Gonzi on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, De Piro himself referred to the many things that were still lacking at the Institute.[2339] Although he was the one responsible for the Home he did not try to give the impression that everything was complete. On the opening of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun, the Servant of God delivered another speech. In it he mentioned the anxieties experienced during the five years until the building was ready.[2340] De Piro was a realistic and objective person.

The Servant of God was also very practical. In his dealings with Fr Angelo Mizzi about the Abyssinia Mission, the Capuchin missionary adviced De Piro to ask Mr Alphonse Maria Galea for the money for the trip of Br Joseph Caruana.[2341] There seemed to be some difficulties on the side of Galea to hand over the money to Monsignor. At the same time the days were pressing and Caruana had to be sent on his mission. De Piro did not get mixed up. Instead, having informed Mizzi about the outcome, the Founder paid the trip from his own money hoping to be refunded afterwards by Mizzi himself.[2342]

- Prudent

When Archbishop Peter Pace nominated the Servant of God Director of Fra Diegu Institute, His Excellency referred to De Piro’s prudence.[2343]

De Piro’s prudence could be noticed each time the Servant of God was going to embark on some new project. When it came to the foundation of his Society he was quite clear about its aim: he wanted an ad gentes religious insitute.[2344] But at the same time he wanted this to be reached in two stages: The members had to go first to the Maltese migrants and when they get accustomed to going abroad they would then be sent to the ad gentes missions.[2345]

The Servant of God was himself completely dedicated to the houses of beneficence. But he wanted that even the members of his Society would give their share in these charitable institutions, both in Malta and abroad.[2346] Still, when the Gozo parishpriests offered him the direction of St Joseph’s,[2347] he did not rush to give an answer; he wanted to know things more clearly.[2348] It was only after he had more information that he accepted the Gozo Institute.[2349]

De Piro was also very prudent as regards the Abyssinia Mission. On 4 March 1927 Fr Angelo Mizzi, the Capuchin responsible for that mission, wrote his first letter to De Piro asking him for members who could teach catechism in that African country.[2350] We do not have the letters written by the Servant of God to Fr Angelo, but from those of the latter to the former we know that De Piro, although he had been waiting for such an opportunity for more than 17 years,[2351] he was not carried away by enthusiasm. Before taking any action he wanted to have the necessary information about the Ethiopian mission in general and what was expected of the member of his Society whom he was sending there.[2352] When afterwards Mizzi invited Monsignor to take one of the stations in the Abyssinia mission under his care, the Founder became more and more cautious. He continued asking more and more information from Mizzi himself.[2353] Not only this. The Founder also wrote several letters to Fr Ireneè OfmCap.,[2354] Fr Joachim OfmCap.,[2355] and to Mgr A. Jarosseu, the Bishop responsible for that mission.[2356] Not to mention the many other letters written to Br Joseph Caruana, the member whom he had sent to Abyssinia.[2357] But more than writing these letters he was planning to go to Abyssinia to see for himself that mission.[2358]

- Methodical

Monsignor excelled even in orderliness. Alphonse Maria Galea was sent by the Archbishop’s Curia to audit the registers of Fra Diegu Institute. In his report Galea declared that De Piro kept the records “in perfetta regola”[2359] This was confirmed by Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior at Fra Diegu.[2360] The way he kept the documents related the Jesus of Nazareth Institute prove the same thing.[2361] George Wilson testified to this orderliness in relation to St Joseph’s, Malta, “He was exact in everything, so much so that at his death everything was found in order, whether the registers, the money, etc.”[2362]

Loreto Rapa, an old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, witnessed to the methodical character of the Director.[2363] Not to mention what was said by Ms Piera De Piro Gourgion, one of De Piro’s nieces, “Although he was busy he did not leave any confusion after his death; in his will everything was in order.”[2364]

- Satisfied and happy with own achievements, grateful to himself

De Piro was able to feel satisfied with his own achievements. He was happy when he succeeded in doing something. He appreciated and recognised the results of his own efforts. He was able to be grateful and thankful to himself and his efforts after having done something. The building of the new Jesus of Nazareth Institute was finished in 1930. The Servant of God invested a lot of mental and physical energy on this big project. In the speech he delivered at the opening of the Institute he admitted with those present that on that day he felt a lot of satisfaction in him for what had been done.[2365] In the same speech, after mentioning the financial problems met with while building the Orphanage, the Servant of God invited those present to be happy.[2366]

(vii) Solidarity with the poor and the needy

Joseph De Piro was nearing his diaconate. In the retreat for this ordination he put to writing the pros and cons in relation to his going to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta.[2367] The seventh reason in favour of the Orphanage indicated quite clearly that this seminarian wanted as early as his 24th year of age not only to give something to the poor, but to be one with them, “Perchè mi sarà facile esercitare la virtù della povertà; quantunque senza voto …”[2368]

As time went on, the Servant of God continued living this solidarity. George Wilson testified for De Piro’s solidarity with the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta, “Every now and again I used to do the cooking at the Institute, and I can say that Mgr. De Piro took the same food the boys had without any difference whatsoever because he wanted to have absolutely the same treatment they had in all respects.”[2369] Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of De Piro, confirmed this.[2370] As did Ms Beatrice Cremona, another niece of De Piro.[2371]

The Servant of God so much lived his oneness with the poor, that his mother frequently referred to her son, Joseph, as “the poor one”. Christian Scerri and Paul Sammut, two boys who attended the catechism classes in the first House of De Piro’s Society, heard Ursola, Monsignor’s mother, referring to her son with these words.[2372] Giga Camilleri, who used to join Ursola in the meetings of St Vincent Ferreri,[2373] confirmed this.[2374] Carmena Mallia, an oldgirl at Fra Diegu Institute, testified that she did hear the Director’s mother referring to her son in this way.[2375] Mother Pauline Cilia who had been at Fra Diegu both as one of the nuns and then as mother superior, confirmed Mallia’s words.[2376] Even Sr Pia Caruana from the Jesus of Nazareth Institute used to hear Ursola calling her son so.[2377]

Not only this. Several of the witnesses mentioned above also testified that Ursola had reason to call her son in this way. Antonia, a maid at the Mdina house of a certain Mgr Mifsud, said that De Piro never had any money for himself.[2378] Christian Scerri witnessed that, “He gave both the salary of the Cathedral and what his mother used to give him.” [2379] Ms Giga Catania and Mr Paul Sammut said that the Servant of God gave all he had to the poor.[2380]

During the Sette Giugno 1919 riots the Maltese fought for their basic rights.[2381] Monsignor had been so much in solidarity with them that “Malta”, one of the local newspapers, eight years after the tragic events, published these words about the Servant of God:

Sacerdote integerrimo, esempio vivente di pietà vera e di unzione santa, patriota che conobbe le ansie, i triboli, le tristezze dei moti del 7 giugno 1919 che lo videro tra il fuoco ed i feriti. Mons Giuseppe De Piro offre alla sua Chiesa ed alla sua Patria il tipo del sacerdote modello e del cittadino patriota, che s’impone all’amore ed all’ammirazione di tutti.[2382]

What helped De Piro be in solidarity with the poor and the needy

- Jesus incarnate, the Suffering Jesus, Jesus in the Eucharist

De Piro’s sermons indicate in a very clear way who was the main source and model of his solidarity with the poor and the needy brothers and sisters: the Son who from God became completely one with us human beings,[2383] and the one who remained with us body, soul and all in the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist.[2384]

(viii) Did not expose the others’ mistakes

In the 7 June1919 events, Advocate Caruana Gatto and another handful of the members of the National Assembly were intervening for the Maltese. During those same interventions they, especially Mgr De Piro, were blamed for all that happened, “The first time we tried to enter the Law Courts, people in the crowd were unfriendly towards us, especially towards Mgr De Piro, and shouted: ‘You are to blame for all this!’. Mgr De Piro replied: ‘Well, well. We are trying to save you, and you are blaming us!”. [2385]

Caruana Gatto also witnessed that on 8 June the defenders of the Maltese were again offended:

At first the mob abandoned the attempt on Francia’s house, and gathered around us. I told them that attacking that house had nothing to do with politics, and asked them to stop if they wanted our political demands to have a successful outcome. However, the criminal element in the crowd gained the upper hand. They started booing us, swearing and stealing money from our pockets, and returned to Francia’s home to break down the back door. We warned them that if they carried on in this way, the army would be called in again, and there would be bloodshed. Our words, however, had no effect.[2386]

The Servant of God was asked by the Inquest Commission to testify about the events. And he did witness! But his charity was so much limitless that he left out the above details presented by Caruana Gatto. It was something that concerned him personally and therefore he could leave it out without causing any injustice to anyone. He did not want to expose the mistakes of the angry Maltese.[2387]

What helped De Piro not expose the others’ mistakes

- Good, pious and holy

It could not be otherwise in the case of the Servant of God. George Pisani, when interrogated by the Gozo Ecclesiastical Tribunal, referred to De Piro’s great goodness.[2388] The decree with which Bishop Peter Pace nominated the Servant of God, Director of Fra Diegu Institute, mentioned his piousness.[2389] The article “Giubileo Sacerdotale” of the “Malta” of 19 April 1927, presented Monsignor as holy.[2390]

(ix) Towards those who did not support him

In spite of the fact that De Piro did nothing but love the others, there were a few persons who were in some way or other “his enemies” or at least an obstacle to him especially in the execution of the plans which were so much to his heart. The Servant of God had been in contact with Frs Emmanuel Vassallo and George Bugeja since his seminary days in Rome and his stay in Switzerland.[2391] He had even shared with them his wish to go and live at St Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, after finishing his studies.[2392] Returning to Malta, neither Vassallo nor Bugeja invited De Piro to the Orphanage. It was only when Bugeja was in need of the help of De Piro himself [2393] or that of the members of his Society [2394] that he asked the Servant of God to come himself or send the members to St Joseph’s. Monsignor, instead of feeling slighted or insulted over the requests, he unhesitantly gave his support.[2395]

Propaganda Fide could not understand what was the real nature of De Piro’s Society, whether it was for the Maltese migrants or for the ad gentes people,[2396] so much so that he was neither granted the affiliation with the Congregation[2397] nor was he recommended for the decretum laudis.[2398] As Founder, De Piro was sure of his Society’s charism. He was also sure that he had explained everything clearly to Propaganda.[2399] For these reasons he could have reacted in an aggressive way against the Prefect and the other officials of the Congregation. Instead, the Servant of God wrote a letter to Mgr Camillo Laurenti, Secretary of Propaganda, and showed him his great gratitude for the fact that the Congregation offered him its help to recommend him to the Congregation for Religious, “Qualora poi dovessi necessariamente dirigermi alla Congne’ dei Religiosi ringrazio immensamente la Congne’ di Propaganda dell’offerta fattami di una sua raccomandazione, che accetto, di tutto cuore e sulla quale mi fido per l’ottenimento dell’ essere canonico, che tanto mi necessita.”[2400]

Some of the Maltese clergy could not understand his “idea”.[2401] At times there were those who invented ways and means how to obstruct his projects.[2402] But Fr Louis Gatt, one of the first members of the Society was quite clear about the Founder’s reactions to all the opposition he met, “He was never angry with those who created the difficulties; he often said that he offered everything for Jesus.”[2403]

Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo who had joined him before the start of the Society and at its very beginning,[2404] abandoned him after a very short while, one to return to St Joseph’s, Malta, and the other went to the institute he opened in one of the Maltese parishes, Tarxien. Though we do not know how he behaved with Mamo, but we have just said what was his relationship with Bugeja; he continued supporting him in his apostolate at St Joseph’s.[2405]

The behaviour of some of those who joined his Society was not that good in relation to the Padre. Fr John Vella said this about himself, “I caused him a lot of trouble because I used to answer him back several times.”[2406] Yet, Vella said also that the Founder never shouted at the members who behaved in this way.[2407]

Some of those who joined De Piro’s Society left after receiving a good academic formation.[2408] Other persons, such as Fr Anton Buhagiar, were angry at these.[2409] The Servant of God, the one who provided everything for these deserters, reacted differently, “ I do not care if they do this. I am happy that they will have acquired formation. That will suit them. Jesus never forced his disciples. Who am I to impose anything on them? God knows how to make use of their formation. The good they received will one day give fruit.”[2410] Mother Pacifica Xuereb testified that De Piro paid for the education of a youth from Sicily who had shown a wish to become priest but who changed his mind after receiving this academic formation.[2411]

Others were as far as hostile to Monsignor. Maria Assunta Borg of the Sacred Heart Laboratory was one of these.[2412] Yet, De Piro behaved quite charitably with the latter: he entrusted her with the money which remained at the Laboratory and the furniture used there.[2413]

During the events of the Sette Giugno, Monsignor was offended at least three times. On Saturday, 7 June 1919, in the afternoon the Servant of God was in the company of lawyers, Alfred Caruana Gatto and Serafin Vella. Monsignor was going out of the Law Courts. These three men were struggling with The Leutenant Governor to save the Maltese from the British soldiers who were firing at them. The angry mob turned to them, and specifically to De Piro, and said: “You are to blame for all this.”[2414] On Sunday, 8 June, 1919, in the afternoon, Caruana Gatto and De Piro were on the steps of the Opera House trying to stop the mob from countinuing with the attack of Francia House. The criminals, who were among the people, started booing at both Caruana Gatto and De Piro. They even swore and stole money from the pockets of Carauna Gatto and Monsignor.[2415] On Monday, 9 June 1919, in the morning, Bishop Angelo Portelli and De Piro went out of the Archbishop’s Palace in Valletta and tried to calm the people. The Servant of God asked the people what they wanted. Some were heard saying, “We want to burn the Curia.”[2416] The Curia was undoubtedly dear to De Piro! The latter reacted positively to each of these offences by those for whom he was working so much for three whole days at a time when he was so much busy with other responsibilities. He continuously addressed them as his sons and daughters.[2417] Also, at the Inquest Commission he did not even refer to the above mentioned reactions.[2418]

What helped De Piro love those who did not support him

- God’s love for him, a sinner, and therefore God’s enemy

De Piro could not have acted otherwise. During his vocation discernment process, which he finalised at the age of 21, he put to writing the reasons in favour and against the priesthood. Among those which made him opt for this vocation there was the one where the Servant of God remembered God’s sufferings for him, who was a sinner and therefore God’s enemy,“Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli tanto sofferto pei mei peccati.”[2419]

In the pros and cons discernment method in order to decide whether to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” or to St Joseph’s, Malta,[2420] Joseph referred more than once to God’s love for him who was a sinner. In reason 2 against the “Accademia” he put on one side God’s love for him by choosing him for the priesthood, and on the other hand his being an enemy of God by his sins.[2421] He repeated the same dual reality in reason 3 against the “Accademia”.[2422] In reason 8 in favour of St Joseph’s Institute he made the same double mention: God’s suffering for him and his own sins against God.[2423]

When preaching about God, Monsignor generally preached about the Second Person of the Trinity. In the few sermons where he referred to God the Father, he repeatedly emphasised the divine mercy and forgiveness for the sinner, God’s enemy, “Dio è paziente ed aspetta - non perchè Egli non possa punire, non perchè egli non odia al sommo il peccato, ma lo fa per dar luogo al ravvedimento e alla penitenza.”[2424]

In another sermon De Piro said to those who were listening to him, “Dio aspetta, Dio chiama.”[2425] In a sermon about Our Lady, Monsignor presented God the Father as, “… Iddio nostro padre, padre amoroso, padre che conosce la debolezza dei suoi figli, un padre di bontà infinita non ha abbandonato il peccatore …”[2426]

When De Piro preached about the Son of God he said that Jesus’ work of redemption, and therefore the salvation of us, his enemies, was his greatest action, “Il pregio più ammirabile dal quale trae le sue glorie il Verbo umanato è senza dubbio l’esser Egli l’Universale Redentore.”[2427]

In his sermons the Servant of God made several references to the Letters of St Paul. He referred 31 times to the Letter to the Romans. Here the emphasis is on the glory of God’s love for us.[2428] To Gal 2:20 De Piro referred 15 times.[2429] In these last references Christ has been presented as the one who has sacrificed himself for Paul.[2430] When Monsignor presented the Eucharist, he quoted again Gal 2:20 and he showed he was much aware of the essence of the Eucharist: the sacrifice of Christ for the love of man.[2431] And De Piro was more than convinced that he, a man, was a sinner![2432]

(x) A holistic love [2433]

At Fra Diegu Institute the girls were accustomed to celebrate the onomastic of De Piro. On this occasion some one girl prepared and even read a short speech to the Director. Among the words addressed to Monsignor in the 1919 speech, there were these, “… quì, sotto le ali di questo Istituto Ella ci ha accolto, quì con viva sollecitudine, Ella ci va alimentando la vita, l’anima …”[2434]

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit, one of the witnesses who gave his testimony at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of De Piro, presented a contrast between the attitude of Fr George Bugeja, the predecessor of the Servant of God as Director of St Joseph’s Home, Malta, and De Piro himself:

I know from my father that Mgr. De Piro took over from Fr. George Bugeja. During the time Fr. Bugeja was Director, who otherwise was a very holy priest, at the Institute there was a great lack of discipline. It was his idea that the important thing was to take a boy into the Institute, there offer him food and a place where to sleep and offer him spiritual help also. The result of this was that children there did what they liked. Besides, there was a lack of cleanliness. When Mgr. De Piro took over he had to tackle these problems. He succeeded to bring back good administration to St Joseph’s Institute. To bring back discipline, he took it on himself to see the needs of the Institute. He separated the boys into different rooms according to age. He ameliorated those things that were good. He gave a great incentive to education. I myself could notice, in general terms, that great progress was made. I could notice also certain things that showed the discipline at the Institute, e.g. in the case of the Tabone brothers, they had a fixed time in which to depart, and Mgr. De Piro asked about their behaviour. I could also notice great strides forward in cleanliness.[2435]

On 27 August 1920 Mgr De Piro, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, presented to the Archbishop of Malta a report about the various aspects of the Seminary life, for the scholastic year 1919-20.[2436] Amongst others, the Rector said these words to His Excellency:

7. L’azione dei suddetti Ufficiali pel bene del Seminario e dei giovani è tuttora sempre molto critica stante il difetto di uno Statuto Organico come richiesto dal codice Can. 135^o/. L’introduzione infatti di continue nuove disposizioni restrittive introdotte in questo Seminario da circa un decennio a questa parte ha fatto i giovani tanto nervosi da rendere assai difficile il loro maneggio. - Vra. Eccza. ci aveva già affidato l’incarico di abbozzare il detto Statuto ed effettivamente sono state da noi raccolte varie disposizioni riguardanti gli esami; ma questo costituisce solo una parte dello stesso, e per condurre a compimento anche gli altri capi; considerando utile l’esperienza altrui, osiamo suggerire a Vra. Eccza. la costituzione di una Commissione ‘ad hoc’ composta dagli Ufficiali Maggiori e dai Professori del Vendo. Seminario.[2437]

Three of the witnesses who gave information about the catechism taught in the first House of De Piro’s Society, testified that this teaching was given within a holistic context. According to Christian Scerri,[2438] Joseph Tonna[2439] and Paul Sammut[2440] the boys had games organisted for them; Br Joseph Caruana used to take them to play football. For Christmas the members of the Society used to prepare for them cribs and statues of Baby Jesus, Mary, Joseph, etc. During the Carnival days they had a special programme

In the 1928 edition of the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” the Servant of God wrote this:

The same thing happens with the missionary. It is not enough to send the missionary and leave him on his own. You must support him and give him that help which he requires. Otherwise when he finds himself among many people who do not know him, and maybe even against him, and certainly may expect much from him, if he does not find the means he needs, his eagerness for action slowly withers away.[2441]

According to the speech quoted above at Fra Diegu Institute there was imparted a holistic formation. In the above testimony, Cachia Zammit referred to the attitude of the Servant of God towards the orphans and those of a specific Institute, St Joseph’s, Malta. In the report about the life in the Mdina Mayor Seminary, De Piro himself showed part of his holistic attitude towards the seminarians. The three witnesses who talked about the catechetical activity in the first House of the Society were quite clear about the all round formation of the boys who attended the catechism classes.When writing his article “How to Help the Missionary”, in the 1928 edition of the Almanac, Monsignor showed his holisitc attitude towards the missionaries and their missionary work. But one can go as far as saying that whatever responsibility De Piro had and wherever he was, he always cared for the physical, the religious (the religious practices) and the spiritual aspects (those which have to do with the human character) of the human beings dependent on him.

- The physical aspect

- Food

The old girls and old boys of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes led by the Servant of God and who gave their testimony at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal had mixed opinions as regards the food in the Homes where they lived. Sr Scholastica Pace said that at the Jesus of Nazareth Home, Zejtun, the food situation was bad.[2442] Even Nazzareno Attard, an oldboy of St Joseph’s, Malta, both in the 1987 and in the 1988-1992 witnessing sessions said the same thing for his Institute.[2443] But Attard also emphasised the fact that the food at the Home was still better than in many Maltese families.[2444]

Br Felix Muscat, an oldboy of St Joseph’s, Malta, a one who did his novitiate there, and then one of the prefects in charge of the orphans, in the 1987 Testimonies, disagreed with Pace and Attard: at St Joseph’s, Malta, De Piro was attentive to see that the boys had enough good food.[2445] But the same Br Felix emphasised the fact that the Director saw to it that there was not more than the enough.[2446] Mr George Wilson and Br Venanz Galea, both of them expupils of St Joseph’s, Malta, compared the situation at the time of Monsignor with the days before his coming. For both of them there was an improvement.[2447] According to Mr Philip Gatt there was no lack of food at St Joseph’s, Gozo. On the opposite it was abundant.[2448] Br Felix Muscat indicated why the Director always taught the boys not to waste any food at St Joseph’s, Malta: [2449] De Piro had thought of enlarging the Institute and therefore he was keen on saving money.[2450] Br Felix added that the Servant of God himself lived like a poor man.[2451]

Before the Servant of God took over the Oratory at B’Kara the boys who attended there were undoubtedly poor. Canon Michael Sammut, the prodecessor of De Piro as director of this place, at one moment wrote an undated letter to Field Marshal, Lord Methuen, the Governor of Malta between 1915 and 1919, and showed him the miserable situation these boys were living in.[2452] This was not strange at all; those were the years of great depression in Malta.[2453] When Monsignor took over the Oratory, it seemed that the situation had by then improved a bit. Otherwise the Servant of God would have sensed the basic needs of the children and without doubt would have done something to help them.

In the report mentioned above, the Servant of God, as Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina, showed that he was worried about the always worsening situation of the satisfaction of the basic needs of the seminarians.[2454] At one moment he referred to the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer.[2455] This situation was caused by the increasing cost of living in Malta.[2456] It was the year just after the riots of the Sette Giugno 1919, which were sparked amongs others by the lack of basic needs of the Maltese.[2457] The Rector therefore highlighted the need of a resident treasurer so that the provision for these needs could be guaranteed more.[2458] He was considering the improvement of this aspect so much vital for the seminarians that he addressed these strong and quite clear words to the Archbishop: “…per provvedere immancabilmente e con urgenza, presentandole, suo malgrado, l’alternativa di chiudere il Seminario in caso d’impossibilità.”[2459] And there were 35 seminarians at the Seminary![2460]

Within the context of the Society, that which was considered by De Piro as “…Madre amorosa … continuamente in aiuto dei suoi membri, tanto per cio che riguarda lo spirituale, come anche per cio che riguarda il temporale …”,[2461] the Founder catered for all the basic needs of the members, including food.[2462] According to Michael Vella Haber, one of the first members, exactly because the Society depended on the Founder’s money, at times it was a bit restricted as regards finances. This made food a bit lacking at times.[2463] According to Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society, food was ok.[2464]

In the section of the Original Constitutions about “Il Compratore” the Founder showed that the buyer has to take care that there be enough food for the members, “Importa molto alla Casa l’avere un buon compratore. Sia egli pertanto diligente di fornire la casa di tutto ciò che a giudizio del Superiore è richiesto all’uso quotidiano, e di consegnarlo al dispensiere o al cuoco ad ora opportuna.”[2465]

The same responsibility did the Founder put on the “Dispensiere”, “Secondo l’ordine che dal Superiore gli verrà dato tenga la dispensa della Casa fornita di quelle cose necessarie al vitto; pertanto prima che del tutto siano consumate sia premuroso di dare avviso al Superiore perchè si possa avere del tempo per l’opportuno refornimento.”[2466]

The buyer must not only buy enough food. He has to see to it that the food is good, “Procuri di conoscere la qualità delle cose…”[2467]

In the same section of the Constitutions, De Piro encouraged the buyer not only to guarantee the quantity of food necessary for the community, and to see to it that what he buys is healthy, but when possible the buyer has to vary the kind of food to be served to the members, “Sia anche premuroso di rendere l’Economo consapevole di ciò che secondo la stagione, trovasi al mercato esposto alla vendita, e convenevole all’economia perchè entro i limiti della nostra povertà possa egli somministrare la mensa alquanto variata.”[2468]

For De Piro, the ladies who formed part of the Missionary Laboratory were working mainly to support the missionaries in their evangelisation of the Good News: “More often than not someone (of the ladies of the Laboratory) reads a letter which has just arrived from the missionaries. The letter always fills everyone of them with an urge to work harder to spread the faith and to extend the Kingdom of Our Beloved Lord Jesus Christ.”[2469] But in the article referred to here, “The Missionary Laboratory”, Monsignor showed quite clearly that these “lay missionaries” had to express their love to the ad gentes people even through their providing them with food:

… The box contained also sweets for children. Everybody likes sweets; it is very rare or an unheard of thing to meet a boy who does not like sweets. The children of Sofi lack the delicacies which the children in our country have; but the Missionaries tell us that now, once they tasted sweets, they do nothing but ask for them. So, when the laboratory ladies fill a box, they try to fill every nook and cranny with sweets for the children.[2470]

- Clothing

What Sr Scholastica Pace said in relation to the food at Jesus of Nazareth Home, was repeated as regards the clothing of the girls: it was again poor.[2471] But Pace wanted to be just in her judgement: while the indoor clothing was poor, the outdoor one was good.[2472] Br Felix Muscat and Nazzareno Attard said the same thing as Pace as regards their clothing at St Joseph’s, Malta: it was poor, not varied and of a very course material.[2473] They even mentioned a form of discrimination as regards the footwear: when inside, there were boys who did have shoes, while there were others who did not have any.[2474] But then the sam Muscat and Attard also said that although they still depended on what the people gave them, [2475] as time went on the situation at St Joseph’s, Malta, improved.[2476] St Joseph’s, Gozo, seemed to be a bit better. Michael Ciangura, Philip Gatt and Peter Camilleri, three old boys of the Institute were quite satisfied with the clothing at the Orphnage. [2477] There was mention of clean and smart [2478] uniforms. [2479] And unlike the case of St Joseph’s, Malta, all boys in the Gozo Institute had sandals or shoes. [2480] And this was a time of scarsity! [2481] Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior at Fra Diegu, had this to say about foorwear, “At that time the girls were barefoot. So that they would not feel humiliated the Director asked a shoemaker to come to the Institute and make a pair of shoes for each of them.”[2482]

Reference has just been made to the letter written by Canon Michael Sammut, of the B’Kara Oratory, to the Governor of Malta, Field Marshal, Lord Methuen.[2483] In it Sammut mentioned the hundreds of boys who attended this place and who were so badly clothed. He also asked the Governor to give to the Oratory the “… waste pieces of old Military Uniforms which were probably at the moment being destroyed…”[2484] so that “…the lady benefactors would turn them into articles of clothing for our children…”[2485] Again, it seems that during De Piro’s directorship there has never occurred such a need. At least the witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God and the members of his Society who lived at the Oratory never mentioned that the Director had ever himself given or worked that someone else would give any clothes to the boys of the Oratory. Without doubt, De Piro, who had given his own money,[2486] and his own clothes[2487] to those who needed them, would not have hesitated to help the children who attended the Oratory if the need existed.

What Michael Vella Haber said for food in the Society of De Piro he also meant for clothing; for the same reason mentioned above regarding food, there were times when the clothing of the members was not that sufficient.[2488] On the other hand Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society, were quite satisfied.[2489]

In the Original Constitutions the Founder wrote this in relation to the local treasurer, “In tutte le comunità oltre all’Economo, il quale sotto la dipendenza del superiore deve provvedere i Missionari di tutto l’occorrente, vi sarà anche un custode delle vesti …”[2490]

The fact that in the Original Constitutions of the Society the Founder has included a separate section about the wardrobe keeper[2491] indicates in itself that Monsignor was quite attentive about this aspect of the life of the members. Then such an article as the one below shows this a lot more, “Sarà sollecito che si facciano le richieste rammendature tanto nelle vesti; siano esse di casa, perchè i Missionari appaiono all’esterno con quella decenza propria del nostro stato; come pure nella biancherià perchè la stessa non abbia a deteriorare per trascuraggine.”[2492]

The Founder even included a whole section about the habit of the Society.[2493] Here the emphasis is on simplicity. As when dealing with the hairstyle and the individual’s outword appearance.[2494]

In the Conferences to the 1929-1930 Brother novices[2495] there is almost the same material as in the Constitutions.

In the article “The Missionary Laboratory”[2496] mentioned above, Monsignor showed quite clearly that the ladies of this Laboratory rightly expressed their love to the ad gentes people even through their preparing clothes for them. And he presented himself as one who sent the clothes together with the other members of the Laboratory group:

The name itself, laboratory, shows everybody what those Ladies who take part in it must do. They meet every so many days. Everyone says what one managed to perform since they last met. Meanwhile everybody works assiduously: some take up the scissors to model clothes, others will be ready to baste, others set the sewing machines in order. For two or three hours they just work and work and think of the children at the missions for whom they sew … And when it is time to pack up, everybody sees what each can take at home so that next time, each one of them would bring some finished article. Through what is sewn and through clothes donated, clothes are collected and we think of preparing a box to send it to the Missionaries of Sofi where, as you know, a Maltese Mission is being formed … It is difficult to satisfy your curiosity and tell you the whole contents of this box. We ourselves do not remember everything. There were clothes sewn for children …[2497]

- Hygiene

Sr Scholastica Pace was rather satisfied with the hygiene at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun; it was fairly good. [2498] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that at St Joseph’s, Malta, hygiene was lacking before De Piro took over,[2499] but he also said that he could notice great strides forward in cleanliness after the Servant of God became Director.”[2500] To the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Michael Ciangura said that at the Gozo Institute the boys had all the facilities to keep clean. [2501]

In the original Constitutions of our Society there is no specific section about hygiene, but here and there the Founder indicated that this was another aspect very central for him as regards the members of his Society. The Servant of God referred to the hygiene in the community when referring to the foodstore, “Curi il dispensiere di tenere ben pulita la dispensa, non solo ma anche tutte le cose che in essa vengono conservate. Tenga perciò per ogni cosa un posto perchè non vi sia miscela di cibi e bevande e possa cosi’ somministrare sempre ogni cibo ed ogni bevanda nel suo stato genuino e naturale.”[2502]

The same he did when presenting the section about the refectory keeper:

Curi il Refettoriere di tenere il refettorio e tutto ciò che ha attinenza collo stesso in uno stato di grande nettezza.

Ogni settimana farà cambiare i tovaglioli e le tovaglie, ove sono in uso. Riceverà contata tutta la biancheria ad uso del refettorio e cosi’ anche la restituerà.

Abbia cura che non manchino in refettorio i bicchieri, le tazze, le posate e tutt’altre cose necessarie, e che tutto sia mantenuto nella massima pulitezza. Perciò il recipiente ove vengono lavati i bicchieri sia distinto da quello over vengono lavate le tazze ed osservi la stessa distinzione per i relativi asciugatoi.[2503]

Regarding the cook’s attention for cleanliness, the Sevant of God was quite detailed:

In tutto ciò che appartiene al suo ufficio procuri il cuoco, una grande nettezza. Cosi’ ad esempio non tocchi le vivande colle mani ma si serva di strumenti appositi, per lavare e preparare la verdura abbia un recipiente custodito unicamente per quest’operanzione, e per asciugare i piatti tenga sempre una tela unicamente a ciò destinata.[2504]

Among the conferences the Servant of God gave to the 1929-1930 novices there were one about the steward[2505]and two about the refectory and the member in charge of this place.[2506] In all De Piro emphasised the need of cleanliness.

- Physical health and care of the sick

According to Brs Felix Muscat and Venanz Galea, the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, was very attentive on the boys’ physical health. Sr Scholastica Pace said the same thing ar regards the girls of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute in Zejtun.[2507] Muscat and Galea added that the Director went as far as himself providing olive oil for the St Joseph’s boys because he was convinced that this helped a lot the children grow strong.[2508] Then, when the boys got sick De Piro was always kind with them. [2509] Although he was very busy he paid personal attention to those who fell sick; he used to go himself to their sickbed and talk to them while seeing to their needs. [2510] This De Piro did not only with the children in Malta. Loreto Rapa testified that the Director visited personally even the boys of the Gozo Institute.[2511] This was obviously of great encouragement to the sick poor boys.[2512] In the case of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute Monsignor encouraged Mother Superior to send a nun to train as a nurse.[2513]

“Whenever there was a sick seminarian he visited him frequently in his room,” testified Fr Loreto Zammit, a priest who was a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship.[2514]

If the members of the Society of St Paul depended on their Founder for their food, clothing and hygiene, they did the same as regards their physical health.[2515] When it came to the sick members of the community De Piro, mentioned several exceptions in the Constitutions of the Society. When dealing with the food store keeper the Servant of God insisted that the former, when distributing food to the members of the community, must not be preferential with anyone, except when it comes to the sick members, “… tenga però conto speciale per gli infermi e convalescenti come gli verrà prescritto.”[2516]

In the section about the refectory keeper, “Curi il refettoriere di trattare tutti colla stessa eguaglianza e carità; con distinzione dei casi di malattia e necessità dei quali sarà dal Superiore avvisato, e senza il permesso del medesimo non arbitri di concedere niente ad alcuno.”[2517] A little while after the Founder also put down, “Ad eccezione dell’infermiere, il cuoco senza permesso del Padre Superiore non permetta ad alcuno di cucinare o preparare alcunchè di particolare per se’ o per altri.”[2518]

The Founder wanted to give so much importance to the sick members of his Society that in the Constitutions he wrote a whole section about the nurse supposed to be in each community.[2519] Then in this section certain articles are stronger and more sensitive than the others, “Sebbene per la carità che costituisce il vincolo e la forza della Compagnia tutti devono essere preparati di darsi al servizio dei loro fratelli infermi, purtuttavia il Superiore nominerà uno o due all’ufficio di infermiere; ai quali viene affidata speciale cura degli infermi.”[2520] And also, “Allorchè l’ammalato entra nello stato di convalescenza, sarà anche ufficio dell’infermiere di procurargli del sollievo o con qualche lettura gioconda o con conversazione moderata e lieta che giovi anche allo spirito.”[2521]

The Servant of God then presented in the Constitutions a whole section about the sick members themselves.[2522] The section is rather exhortative. As in other parts of the Constitutions the Founder emphasised that the superior be informed about each step taken in favour of the infirm. But De Piro also told the local superior, “Il Superiore poi invigili alla cura temporale e spirituale dell’infermo, lo visiti ogni giorno e procuri che sia trattato con carità e provveduto di tutto l’occorrente tanto per l’anima che per il corpo.”[2523]

To all the members, the Servant of God said this:

Chi è sano non dimentichi che gli infermi sono gli eletti del Signore e che attirano sulla casa le celesti benedizioni; quindi preghi per loro e secondo la licenza che ne avrà li visiti con molta carità e devozione, ricordandosi che il sollievo che loro recherà con buone ed edificanti parole e coll’aiuto che gli sarà permesso di prestar loro, Nostro Signore lo riputerà recato a se stesso.[2524]

As in the above paragraph, the Founder exhorted the members to accompany continuously the sick person especially during the last moments of his life.[2525] He even reminded the members to administer the sacrament of the anointing of the sick to their invalid companion.[2526]

To the 1929-1930 novices he delivered three conferences about the care of the sick.[2527] Their contents is almost the same as that of the Constitutions.

If De Piro considered it most important that the Maltese send food to the missionaries so that these could sustain themselves and the people with whom they were working, the same thing were the Maltese expected to do regarding medicines and first aid items:

… cotton and many types of medicine. They write that these things used for medications are very necessary because now this Mission has the fame throughout the country that it is qualified to medicate. Many are the sick people who visit it to get cured. It is not difficult to understand that cotton, cotton-gauze, and disinfectants, together with other medicines which they ask for, are very necessary.[2528]

To this quotation there can be added the article about the infirmary of Br Joseph Caruana.[2529] Through this material the Servant of God emphasised the missionary’s need to take care of the physical aspect of the ad gentes people.

- Housing

If for De Piro food, clothing, hygene, and physical health were among the ingredients of a balanced growth of the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, so much so was a good housing. Br Felix Muscat indicated that the Director wished to enlarge the building of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2530] In 1925 De Piro had many responsibilities on his shoulders. In spite of this heavy load, the Director of Jesus of Nazareth Institute started the building of a new home for the girls of that Orphanage.[2531] In Gozo he wished to do something similar. The house chosen by the parishpriests for the new charitable Institute was not that adequate. Although the Servant of God initiated St Jospeh’s Home in that old building, but immediately after the inauguration he started working to acquire land for the building of a new Orphanage.[2532]

It was also the Founder who saw to it that the members of his Society would have an adequate house where to live.[2533] According to the Founder himself the first house was not suitable anymore for the Society.[2534] Michael Vella Haber was accepted into the Society on 29 September 1929. He commented that the second house (and perhaps even the third one) the Society had in Mdina, was again not good at all.[2535] On the other hand Frs Louis Gatt, and Joseph Caruana, and Mr Paul Xuereb, three of the first members of the Society again disagreed with Vella Haber and said that the lodging was quite good.[2536] Still, De Piro worked a lot so that the members would have a bigger and better house. The foundation stone of this building was blessed by the Archbishop of Malta, Mauro Caruana, on 3 October 1932.[2537] St Agatha’s Motherhouse was then inaugurated on 30 June 1933.[2538]

- Financial and other material assistance

The above mentioned elements presented in relation to the charity practiced by the Servant of God towards the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes already indicate quite clearly that De Piro’s love for the orphans was holistic. But exactly because De Piro’s approach towards these boys and girls was so, he did not stop on these poor children and youths. Rather, he gave a helping hand even to the families of these same orphans. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu, was quite explicit about this, “The parents of children at the Institue also benefited from his generosity … he gave financial aid to those families who needed it.”[2541] Mother Pacifica Xuereb said almost the same thing, “He was a man of great charity… For example, some of the children’s mothers used to come and visit them; he used to give them some money he himself was going to spend.”[2542] Not to mention the various entries in the Petty Cash Book “Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932”. In this ledger the Servant of God registered, amongst others, the various donations he made to the families of the boys who were at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2543]

The same attitude did De Piro live towards the families of the dead or wounded of the Sette Giugno riots. He was in fact chosen as the cashier of the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 Giugno 1919”.[2544] The Committee was quite busy. In all it met 52 times up to January 1926.[2545]

De Piro was not interested only in the work the employees did at St Joseph’s Institute. In these men the Director saw more than the workers. For him these were human beings. He was sensitive enough to notice their needs. He was also couragious enough to take some money from the Institute, a money he so much needed for the boys and the building extensions of the Orphanage, and give that money to the employees or their families. According to George Wilson, a bookbinder at St Joseph’s Home, the Director used to pay the workers himself so that he could give some extra money to those who needed it, without anyone else knowing it.[2546]

The Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina had already done a lot when in his report about the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920 he referred to the employees and said that their service was quite satisfactory. Yet, this was not enough for him. As in the case of St Joseph’s Home, the Seminary employees were for De Piro more than workmen from whom he got a service. They were human beings with personal needs and men on whom most probably depended wives and children. Therefore, although that was a time when he was more than busy with Fra Diegu Institute, the Cathedral Monsignorate, the foundation of the Society, his membership in the National Assembly, the just finished tragic events of the Sette Giugno 1919, and many other minor responsibilities, in the Rector’s report for the scholastic year 1919-1920, he showed that he was sensitive enough to notice that the salary of the employees was “…insufficiente all’attuale stato di cose”.[2547] Also, in the same report the Servant of God was couragious enough to ask the Archbishop to increase these wages.[2548]

In the file “Mgr Joseph De Piro: Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri” we find that the Servant of God had instructed this member of his Society to give £0.10.00 a month “to the widow of …” who had been working at St Joseph’s Home, Malta.[2549] Pension was also given to the wife of the worker who had probably died while still at work at the same Institute.[2550]

From some of the witnesses who testified in front of the Ecclesiastical Tribunal of the Diocesan Process in the Cause of Canonisation of Joseph De Piro, we know that Monsignor had no limits as to whom to help with his charity; people met him in the streets and were sure that the Servant of God would help them. The ex Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Malta, Mgr Carmelo Xuereb, presented himself as witness of De Piro’s charity to a man who was begging in the streets of Valletta.[2551] Fr John Vella, the first priest of De Piro’s Society, witnessed to the Founder’s sadness when a poor man came to the Gudia Parishpiest’s House, where De Piro was acting parishpriest for a short while,[2552] and Br Joseph Caruana, who acompanied the Founder, sent him away without giving him anything. De Piro was so much saddened that he ordered Caruana to call back the beggar and give him what he asked for.[2553] George Wilson, another witness in the Diocesan Process, testified that the Servant of God helped both individuals and families.[2554] Camillo Aquilina, a member of the Society in De Piro’s times, Madre Pacifica Xuereb, a superior at Fra Diegu Institute at the time of the Servant of God, and John Buhagiar, an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta, corroborated Wilson’s testimony.[2555] The long list of names of persons who sought the Director’s help by knocking at the door of St Joseph’s Home is again a proof of the all inclusive charity of De Piro.[2556]

In the Constitutions of his Society the Founder urged the storekeeper to think of the poor when storing back the food, “Memore della povertà sia diligente nel raccogliere tutto ciò che possa avanzare dalla mensa, perchè possa servire per altri usi domestici od anche pei poveri secondo l’ordine che avrà ricevuto dal Padre Superiore.”[2557]

The Servant of God considered the Maltese in general as a people who could enjoy a greater justice especially at the place of work[2558] and a people who could have a less expensive daily living.[2559] Especially during the three days of the Sette Giugno 1919 Monsignor treated the Maltese as those who were not interested in creating riots, but those who only wanted to fight for the above mentioned basic rights.[2560] On his part De Piro forgot all his other duties, Fra Diegu Institute, his Society, the Monsignorate, and the many other responsibilities he had, and spent three whole days running from one place to another trying to help his conationals acquire what was theirs by right.[2561]

- Recreation

Carmena Mallia had this to say about De Piro’s promotion of recreation at Fra Diegu Institute, “He was fully aware of the value of recreation and made sure that we had our share of it …”[2562] Sisters Maria Pia Caruana and Scholasitca Pace confirmed that even at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute the girls could enjoy recreation.[2563] Nazzareno Attard reported that at St Joseph’s, Malta, the boys had daily recreation.[2564] This was encouraged for the proper use of the free time of the boys.[2565] Michael Cinagura said that at St Joseph’s, Gozo, there was the daily recreation, after lunch, in the yard,[2566] and there was another one in the afternoon, after 5.00.[2567] Mallia continued saying that at Fra Diegu recreation consisted of: stage acting,[2568] outings,[2569] games, [2570] and the Christmas Tree.[2571] Sr Pace said that at her Institute acting on the stage and dancing were not allowed.[2572] At St Joseph’s, Malta there were: theatricals,[2573] indoor games,[2574] football,[2575] and filmshows.[2576] Also, according to Attard, the Institute’s calendar demonstrated the centrality of this aspect in the Home’s life: new year’s day, carnival, Easter, summer swimming, 1 May, St Martin’s Day, and Christmas.[2577] The one who had said that food and clothing at St Joseph’s, Malta, were bad, also said that these festivities were celebrated regularly.[2578] In the Gozo Institute the boys had swimming in summer, and De Piro used to accompany them.[2579] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified that the Servant of God knew how to recreate the children. [2580]

Recreation was a very important aspect in the life of the Oratory at B’Kara. The construction of the playground in the very centre of the whole complex already showed the centrality of games and sports in the life of the Center. Before the catechism class, each weekday and on Sundays, the boys and youths had one whole hour of games.[2581] Next to the playground in importance there was the theatre hall where every Sunday afternoon the boys and youths gathered together to watch some play acted on by the local dramatic company, St Genesius.[2582] In this hall the members of De Piro’s Society even held filmshows. In fact in the Acts of the Society’s Council session of 23 April 1932, one can still find that Fr Michael Callus, the priest in charge of the Oratory at the time, asked the Society to lend him £32.00.00 for the purchase of a cinematographic projector for the Oratory.[2583] Although under a certain condition, the permission for the loan was granted.[2584] This was still the time when the Society completely depended financially on the Founder. It was also the time when the Servant of God was preparing to start the building of the main House of his Society, St Agatha’s.[2585]

In his report about the 1919-1920 seminary scholastic year, Monsignor presented the extraordinary common recreations and the walks in the countryside as a help towards the creation of more discipline among the seminarians.[2586] According to the Rector these activities could help the clerics be happy and jovial. They also helped them be more filial to the superiors and the superiors less autoritative towards the seminarians.[2587] Here the Servant of God even suggested some subsidy from the side of the Seminary in favour of such activities.[2588]

Frs Joseph Caruana and Louis Gatt and Mr Paul Xuereb all agreed that the aspirants of the Society had each day their recreation both after lunch and in the evening.[2589] They even had walks.[2590] According to Fr Augustine Grech, all the members in formation had their recreation each day.[2591] Br Venanz Galea referred to the daily recreation of the other members.[2592] Fr Gatt also said that during the Carnival days the Servant of God took the members to St Joseph’s, Malta, for filmshows.[2593] Galea also testified that the members had their summer holidays.[2594] The members went to Marsaxlokk, a seaside resort.[2595] According to the Acts of the Council of the Society the members also went to a place called Cavallerizza, again a place near the sea;[2596] Testimonies mentioned Qrendi, where the De Piro family had one of its summer houses[2597] The Founder also hired a house in Gozo next to St Joseph’s Institute, Gozo.[2598]

In the Constitutions, the Servant of God included a whole section about this aspect of the members’ life.[2599] The Founder was quite clear about the scope of recreation, “La ricreazione comune dopo il pranzo e dopo la cena è ordinata non meno al sollievo del corpo e dello spirito, che a fomento di mutua carità ed all’esercizio di molte virtù.”[2600]

De Piro insisted that during recreation time the presence of all the members had to be an active one, “In tempo di recreazione niuno si mostri muto e taciturno, anzi procuri per quanto gli possibile è di concorrere alla comune letizia e sollievo…”[2601]

And he continued referring to the behaviour of members:

… evitando il ridicolo intorno ai compagni, alla regola ed alle cose sacre; ed anche tutti quei difetti, che sono contrarii al contegno religioso, non solo, ma anche all’urbanità e convenienza. Perciò ciascuno si guardi dai modi secolareschi e da quei tratti troppo confidenziali e liberi, che non convengono alla gravità e modestia religiosa.

Ognuno cerchi di evitare i contrasti, se però in alcuna cosa vi fosse diversità di parere e sembrasse bene ad alcuno di doverla manifestare, cerchi di proporre le ragioni con modestia e carità, e solo con animo, che la verità abbia il luogo, e non per parere in ciò superiore agli altri.

Ciascuno ancora si guardi di non dare mai segno di impazienza o di superbia, con poca buona edificazione degli altri.[2602]

In his conferences to the Brother novices, one finds three about recreation.[2603] They have similar material to that of the Costitutions. It is important to note the holistic conceptions, “Recreation must provide corporal and spiritual relief.”[2604] A little while after he added that, “The Rule tells us that afternoon recreation, that is, recreation after lunch and after supper should uplift us spiritually as much as it does temporarily.”[2605]

- The spiritual aspect (that which had to do with the human character)

- Appreciation for service rendered

Mgr De Piro was quite conscious of another fundamental need of the human being: every human being wants that his/her services be recognised, so much so that they are appreciated; that an individual who has received something from someone has to be grateful to that someone. The Servant of God did not take for granted the service rendered by the Franciscan Sisters at the Mayor Seminary. Again in his report mentioned above he appreciated the work done by them and the sacrifices they had to undertake in order to do this.[2606]

- A listening ear … and more than that

There were times when the families of the boys and girls of the Institutes did not need any financial support, but only someone with whom they could share their troubles and pour their broken hearts. Carmena Mallia, an oldgirl of Fra Diegu Institute, testified that during the years she was at the Institute there were times when the Director used to visit the girls’ families and saw to their needs, even when they were not financial.[2607]

On the 25 anniversary of his direction of Fra Diegu Home, De Piro invited all the old girls of the Institute for a reception. On that day he pleaded to the old girls to seek his help when they needed it.[2608] The foundation of the Sacred Heart Laboratory or Workshop was another proof of this extended love of the Servant of God for the istitutes’ old girls.[2609] As was Monsignor’s intervention in the Third Maltese Parliament on 21 February 1933,[2610] and his including the old boys and girls of the institutes in his will.[2611]

- The need of self government

De Piro could have considered the Maltese only as people who attended Church services; or only as those who gave charity to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes; or only as the ones who gave donations to the missions; or only as those from whom there could come out vocations for the Maltese migrants and the ad gentes missions. If one were to have even a quick look at the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” one would immediately find out that the Servant of God did consider the Maltese like this.[2612] But he also looked at the Maltese as a people who could have more the government of their own country in their hands. He would not have accepted to participate in the National assembly of Sir Filippo Sceberras had he not conceived the Maltese in this way. [2613]

It has already been said that in 1918 Mgr Joseph De Piro was nominated as one of the four Canons to represent the members of the Cathedral Chapter and the Maltese clergy in the National Assembly that was going to be set up in order to prepare a draft constitution for Malta.[2614] In the second meeting of the National Assembly it was decided that a Central Commission, made up of only fifteen members of the Assembly, be set up in order to prepare the draft of the constitution.[2615] Again, the Servant of God was asked to make part of this Commission.[2616] In spite of his many already existing duties De Piro accepted being member both in the National Assembly and the Central Commission.[2617] He accepted again, and together with the other members of the National Assembly and the Central Commission gave his share so that Malta could have in the end its bicameral parliament: the Senate and the Legislative Assembly.[2618]

- Schooling

At Fra Diegu Institute the academic aspect of the girls was already organised when the Servant of God took over in 1907.[2619] It was not the same at the Jesus of Nazareth Orphanage. Here schooling was very poor in the beginning. [2620] As time went on it was improved.[2621] At St Joseph’s, Malta, the situation was still better. According to Dr Cachia Zammit De Piro, “… gave a great incentive to education.” [2622] In fact there were four classes at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2623] The first two were for those boys who had not yet started the trades.[2624] These had lessons both in the morning and in the afternoon.[2625] The boys of the third class had trades in the morning while in the afternoon they had the lessons.[2626] The boys of the fourth class had trades both in the morning and in the afternoon, while in the evening they attended lessons. [2627] In the speech De Piro delivered to the Governor General on the day of Inauguration of the Institute, St Joseph’s, Gozo was expected to provide “An elementary literary instruction.”[2628]

At St Joseph’s, Malta, the boys were taught Arithmatic, English, Italian and Maltese.[2629] The boys in Gozo lacked Italian.[2630] Both in Malta[2631] and in Gozo[2632] classes were held in the Institute itself. The teachers of St Joseph’s, Malta, came from outside the Institute.[2633] In Gozo Fr Michael Callus taught during the day,[2634] while a layman taught in the evening.[2635] In all the Institutes schooling was compulsory while outside the Institute it was not. [2636]

As regards Fra Diegu Institute, Carmena Mallia said that the Director showed a lot of interest in the academic aspect of the girls’ formation. He supervised the classes[2637] and gave individual attention to the girls during their study.[2638] At St Joseph’s, Malta, the Servant of God did the same thing. He used to visit personally the classes.[2639] This happened especially after the Brothers De La Salle left the Institute. When there were still the Brothers it was they who cared for the academic aspect of the boys.[2640] When the Brothers left, De Piro himself took care of this aspect.[2641]

According to Nazzareno Attard, some boys were given the possibility to continue further studies, “… I know of some who went on with their studies.” [2642]

In order to incentivate the children of the institutes the Servant of God organised a yearly prizeday.[2643] Prizes were given not only for progress but also for the conduct of all the children of the Institutes.[2644] On the prizeday the children of the institutes were involved in various activities. [2645] The Director invited distinguished guests and others for the prizeday.[2646]

Obviously the report for the 1919-1920 seminary scholastic year would not have been holistic had the Rector omitted the academic aspect from it. He presented a list of the lecturers.[2647] The Servant of God put in writing his appreciation towards the progress done in relation to the teaching staff after the institution of the Prefect of Studies.[2648] According to Monsignor the attendance of the lecturers was satisfactory.[2649] The seminarians got good results.[2650] To motivate the seminarians for more study, De Piro suggested to the Archbishop the exemption from the Curia exams those who fared well in the annual exams.[2651] Monsignor also insisted on the need of textbooks[2652] and notes from the side of the lecturers.[2653]

Then De Piro’s holistic attitude towards the seminarians made him say a word about at least several of the subjects taught at the seminary. For example, while he was all praise for the dogmatic theology course he did not say the same thing for the moral theology classes.[2654] There was still the lack of the lecturers of ascetic theology and Gregorian chant.[2655]

Again, his holistic perspective even made the Rector suggest, in the Report, the introduction of a new subject in the Seminary curriculum: because it was the time of the drafting of a new constitution for Malta and the setting up of various Catholic social clubs in several Maltese towns and villages, De Piro proposed the introduction of lessons in christian sociology.[2656]

Even when it came to the academic aspect of the members of his Society, the Servant of God was a lot interested .[2657] And this even as regards the members who had not yet joined the Society.[2658] For this dimension the Founder saw to it that the members would have ample time in their timetable.[2659] As regards the secondary education of the members the Founder asked the help of the Jesuit Fathers.[2660] For the literary formation of the students De Piro sent the members to the Augustinian Fathers.[2661] The same he did for philosophy and theology.[2662] He himself was very much attentive about this aspect of the members’ life, so much so that he often discussed with them some topic or other which they were studying.[2663]

The words of Mgr Antonio Buhagiar said to Fr Louis Aloisio testify to the fact that De Piro considered the academic aspect as very important, even to those members who abandoned the Society.[2664]

- Trades and crafts

Fra Diegu was an Institute for girls and therefore the Servant of God saw to it that cooking, sewing, dressmaking, embroidery, lacemaking and other subjects appealing to the girls were taught there. [2665] The same thing happened at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute. In this Home the girls were taught the handcrafts usually learnt by girls.[2666] It was different at St Joseph’s, Malta. This Institute catered for boys and therefore the Director provided typography, printing, bookbinding, and other trades connected with the printing industry.[2667] There were also carpentry, tailoring and shoemaking. [2668] De Piro felt the need to add also the electrician trade.[2669] Being the one who opened the St Joseph’s, Gozo, it was he who introduced the teaching of trades there.[2670] And when the Director inroduced the teaching of trades in the Institute he could also be said to have been the first one on the whole Island to introduce this teaching; in Gozo, trade schools were completely inexistant.[2671] With the exception of the printing trades the subjects taught at St Joseph’s, Malta, were taught at the Gozo Home.[2672] Anyone in Gozo interested to further his training was even invited to go to Malta at St Joseph’s, Santa Venera.[2673]

The above is already a proof of De Piro’s interest in the teaching of trades to the Institutes’ boys and girls. But Carmena Mallia emphasised that at Fra Diegu, the Director’s interest was even personal; [2674] he himself made daily inspections of the workshops.[2675] Sr Scholastica Pace testified to the Director’s personal interest in gold embroidery; he himself taught the girls how to appreciate it.[2676] Not only this; Mallia also said that Monsignor made others love the girls’ work. And she mentioned such people as the other members of the De Piro family and Lord Gerard Strickland. [2677] At Fra Diegu Monsignor even gave prizes to encourage the girls. [2678]

While Sr Scholastica Pace testified that it was laywomen who taught crafts at the Jesus of Nazareth Institute,[2679] Nazzareno Attard mentioned the laymen as the trades instructors at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2680] Attard added that these instructors were not volunteers; the Director paid them money. [2681]

In his speech to the Governor General on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Director explicated the aim of the Home, “… helped the boys find work, earn their living and occupy with honour a place in society.”[2682] Loreto Rapa said almost the same thing as regards the teaching of trades at the Institute.[2683]

When it came to the members of his Society, De Piro wanted that these would give their share in the running of the house. He thought them cookery, how to preserve food, etc.[2684] The novices had an hour daily for manual work. He even brought an instructors from St Joseph’s, Malta, to teach the novices the trades.[2685] He even sent the Brothers to St Joseph’s, Malta, to learn a trade there.[2686]

- The music band

At St Joseph’s, Malta, the music band existed before De Piro took over,[2687] but after coming to the Institute he encouraged it a lot.[2688] It was not the same with St Joseph’s, Gozo. Here it was Monsignor who started the band. He personally bought the instruments and took them himself bit by bit to the Institute.[2689] Both in Malta and in Gozo the boys were free to join the bands,[2690] but in order to be accepted the boys had to show some interest.[2691] Teaching was assiduous and was taken seriously. [2692] In Malta they had the best bandmasters of the time:[2693] Anton Muscat Azzopardi and [2694] Joseph Abela Scolaro.[2695] The same was at the Gozo Home; a lay professional bandmaster taught the boys to play.[2696] Boys also taught each other.[2697] There were some 34 boys: some lived at the Institute and some were old boys.[2698]

Those who joined were encouraged to stay by being offered some incentives:[2699] some pocket money;[2700] on the Institute’s feast day they were offered some more money than the other boys;[2701] they visited villages and towns;[2702] and had a distinctive mark on the uniform.[2703]

The band played in places other than St Joseph’s, Malta:[2704] at the Oratory, B’Kara; [2705]at St Agatha’s, Rabat, on the day of the foundation stone;[2706] at St Joseph’s, Gozo;[2707] and in various feasts of Maltese villages and towns.[2708] Even the Gozo band played in public.[2709]

- A good management

A good management of an entity is of great help for the progress of the entity itself, but when the central element of that entity is the human being even the latter benefits a lot from the management. A good management helps the human beings which compose that entity to be more organised, more calm, are helped to know more where they are heading to. Mother Pauline Cilia, Fra Diegu’s superior, said that, “It was he who introduced the registers in the Institute. He put in them whatever had to do with the girls: when they entered the Institute, when they left, their first holy communion, their confirmation, etc. He was exact in everything so much so that when he died everything was in order.”[2710]

Reference has already been made to two assessments made by Mr Alphonse Maria Galea on behalf of the Archbishop’s Curia, regarding Fra Diegu Institute. In both of them Galea emphasised De Piro’s exactness in his adminstration.[2711] When Dr Cachia Zammit was testifying to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal he said that De Piro, “… succeeded in bringing back good administration to the Institute… He separated the boys into different rooms according to age. He ameliorated those things that were good… I myself could notice, in general terms, that great progress was made.”[2712]

As regards to the good administration of St Joseph’s, Malta, one can also refer to the various “distributions of work” still found in the file “Mons Guzeppi De Piro Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta)”. Here each one of the members of the religious staff, and therefore of the members of De Piro’s Society, knew what they were expected to do.[2713] Then the Director also put down what was expected of the prefects of the different groups of the Institute’s boys:

1. Che tutti i maestri di scuola, e capi d’arte stiano al loro dovere.

2. Che tutti i ragazzi stiano al loro posto, giusta’ l’orario, ed impedire assolutamente il girovagare.

3. Adocchiare di giorno in quando la porteria, la Capella, ed i ragazzi avanti per la ‘Buona Morte’ quando vi siano.

4. Prestate attenzione, ad essere pronti alle chiamate che avrà dalla porteria.

5. Attenzione allle due porte .... cioè quella del Laboratorio e della reicreazione dei piccoli.[2714]

In his report, re: the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920, the Servant of God wrote about the necessity of the existence of the organic statutes in order to lead well the Seminary. Because of the lack of these, the seminary life was a lot unsettled, “… l’introduzione infatti di continue nuove disposizioni restrittive introdotte in questo seminario da circa un decennio a questa parte ha fatto i giovani tanto nervosi da rendere assai difficile il loro maneggio …[2715]

The files related to Jesus of Nazareth, St Joseph’s, Gozo, and the Oratory, prove Monsignor’s good adminstration of these entities.[2716] Not to mention the many files related to the Society he founded. All these documents were not only well preserved, but all of them were properly classified according to their contents.[2717]

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit testified at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal and said that De Piro wanted, “To bring back discipline…”[2718]at St Joseph’s Institute. Srs Giakkina Vella and Eletta Sant spoke of the Director of Fra Diegu Institute as, “… a firm administrator…”[2719]

- Discipline and corrections

Cachia Zammit also indicated that the Servant of God was a disciplinarian by first creating an environment for this: De Piro divided the boys according to the age groups;[2720] he ameliorated those things that were good;[2721] and he gave a lot of importance to the education of the boys.[2722] This in relation to St Joseph’s, Malta. Mother Cleophas Bondin said that De Piro never shouted at the girls of Fra Diegu Institute.[2723] On the opposite, he was always kind with them.[2724] Sr Assunta Galea and Mother Pacifica Xuereb, both of them from Fra Diegu, said the same thing.[2725] Sr Pia Caruana corroborated this in relation to the Jesus of Nazareth Institute.[2726] According to Xuereb even when he talked to all the girls together, the Director never used any harsh words.[2727]

But the Director was not satisfied with this; he even wished the Sisters to behave in the same way. According to Mother Xuereb, Monsignor exhorted even the nuns not to recur to shouting in order to discipline the girls.[2728] Srs Assunta and Pacifica also said that the Servant of God never gave the girls any punishment, and when the nuns punished them he did his best to save them from that same punishment.[2729] Nazzareno Attard said the same thing in relation to De Piro’s direction of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2730] Instead of shouting and punishments De Piro suggested to the Fra Diegu nuns other remedies for discipline: to be kind with the girls; keep them happy; be patient at them, and perseveringly; never letting them idle; and never letting them alone, but always under inspection.[2731] He even told the Sisters to remember that what they were doing with the girls was being done to Jesus himself.[2732] With the girls, then, he always insisted that they promised not to repeat the mistake, but work for impovement.[2733] Also, while correcting the girls, he tried to suggest to them some better way how to do their duties.[2734] Whatever he could give them he gave them. He always wanted to satisfy them.[2735]

According to De Piro a superior cannot expect that there be discipline in the entity he is responsible for, if he has not created the environment for it before. In his report about the Seminary scholastic year 1919-1920, the Servant of God noted that the seminarians were not that disciplined. At the same time he tried to show that there were various factors that were making the clerics uncontrolable: (a) the non existence of organic statutes, the lack of which has led to the creation of new restrictive dispositions;[2736] (b) the evening meal that was becoming poorer and poorer;[2737] (c) certain innovations regarding the division of points of the annual examinations;[2738] and (d) the revolutionary trend that existed even in Malta at that time.[2739] Monsignor wrote that discipline could be helped by the extraordinary common recreations and the walks in the countryside.[2740] These activities could help the seminarians be happy and jovial. These activities could also help the seminarians be more filial to the superiors and the superiors less autoritative towards the seminarians.[2741] Here the Servant of God suggested some subsidy from the side of the Seminary in favour of such activities.[2742] Further on in his report, De Piro made reference to other aids which could strengthen the discipline of the seminarians: the choice of the prefects,[2743] and better reports from the side of the parishpriests as regards the behaviour of the seminarians during the summer holidays.[2744]

Fr Louis Gatt, was quite explicit about the Founder’s responsibility to correct the members of his Society, “He often corrected … He corrected always, and all members of the Society. His discipline was felt by all; novices, students and professed.”[2745] But the same Fr Louis was as much clear about what made the members obey the Founder, “… with prudence and charity. He was never angry. We were inspired with awe in his presence.”[2746]

The fact that the Founder was never angry was referred to by Fr John Vella, one of the first two members who joined De Piro’s Society.[2747]

Michael Vella Haber continued adding other credentials to the Founder. He was like a father to the members of his Society, [2748] so much so that they called him “Padre”.[2749] He cared for them a lot.[2750] He was a man of a big heart.[2751] He was very humane with them.[2752] He treated each one of them as mature persons.[2753] De Piro’s approach with the members was persuasive and not imposing.[2754] Fr John Vella’s words are quite clear about this, “… he always tried to make you understand what was wrong so that you would not make the mistake another time.”[2755] Obviously this was a lot encouraging to the members.[2756]

For the Founder the members made part of a community, but they were also individuals. As regards his relationship with the members, the Founder had talks with them together.[2757] But Monsignor also had individual conversations with them, even when they were still aspirants, [2758] or even before.[2759] For Fr Peter Paul Borda, an ex member of the Society, this was nothing but sound psychology.[2760]

Michael Vella Haber who had emphasised the personal contact for a while, said then that the Founder did not talk to them a lot when they were at St Agatha’s.[2761] Fr Louis Gatt, who before had said that the Founder talked to the members even individaully, said at another time that De Piro did this only if asked by the individual. Here he even said that the Founder did not have time for individual contact.[2762]

In the original Constitutions, the Founder presented two types of discipline: self discipline and the discipline to be carried out by the superiors and those responsible for some aspect or other of the life of the Society or the communities. As regards self discipline, De Piro wrote the sections: “Del Distacco”,[2763] “Della Modestia”,[2764] Del Silenzio e della Puntualità”,[2765] “Fuga dell’Ozio”,[2766] “Penitenze Corporali”,[2767] and “Delle Visite e delle Lettere”.[2768] Related to the second type of discipline the Padre has all Fascicolo III of the Original Constitutions.

In the Conferences the Founder delivered to the 1929-1930 novices, the emphasis here is on self discipline. We have: four about detachment,[2769] five about silence,[2770] one about punctuality,[2771] nine about the avoidance of laziness,[2772] five about corporal penance,[2773] and five conferences about the refectory and how one must behave there.[2774] Almost all the material found in these conferences is a repetition of that found in the Original Constitutions.

- Relationship with family

Nazzareno Attard testified that the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta, could go to their families once a year.[2775] On the other hand the family could visit them at all times.[2776] It has already been noted that besides helping the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes, De Piro was also charitable with the families of these same orphans.[2777] The same he did with the families of the dead and wounded of the Sette Giugno riots; he joined the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919” and through it helped the families of the victims.[2778]

Fr Augustine Grech said that the Founder talked to them about the detachment from their families,[2779] while Michael Vella Haber indicated the opposite.[2780] In fact the latter said that when De Piro went to Gozo there were times when De Piro took Michael with him.[2781]

- Relationship with other people outside the entity

The Rector was quite conscious that the seminarians, although to some extent separated from the people outside the Seminary, carried in them the trends of the outside society; they still made part of the Maltese people. Therefore if, according to De Piro, the revolutionary trend was entering Malta, it was being brought into the seminary by the seminarians and therefore they had to be prepared for the world outside.[2782]

- Preparation for life outside the ecclesiastical charitable institutes

At St Joseph’s, Malta, “Those who were willing had every opportunity … to leave as mature, responsible persons, capable of facing life”, said Nazzareno Attard to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal on 14 May 1990.[2783] In his speech to the Governor General on the day of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Director said these words:

The education they receive here will enable them, when grown up, they leave this place, to find work and earn their bread and occupy with honour a place in society; and ordinarily the good qualities they develop in them while here, will gain for them the sympathy of others, be they masters or equals, not only in these islands but also far distant countries, where our people go in search of work and food.[2784]

Loreto Rapa, one of the first boys who were admitted at St Joseph’s, Gozo, proved De Piro as right, “When someone left the Institute, one had the required basis to open one’s own workshop and earn a living, as in fact many did.”[2785] Rapa also said that, “I feel that the Institute prepared us for life …”[2786]

- Vocation decision making

In his Diary, De Piro wrote that, “In sin dal mio primo anno di Collegio ho incominciato a vagheggiare l’idea di ritirarmi alla Casa di San Giuseppe del Hamrun…”[2787] Also, “Una delle ragioni che mi inducevano a stabilirmi alla Casa di San Giuseppe è stata la seguente: ‘Perchè un sentimento interno mi dice, che Iddio da questo Istituto voglia formare a Malta, una Congregazione di sacerdoti sotto il patrocinio di San Paolo, e così nel rendere stabile l’opera a Malta, si diffonda anche all’estero”.[2788] In fact Br Felix Muscat used to notice that the Founder seemed to wish that some boys from St Joseph’s, Malta, would join his Society.[2789] Loreto Rapa, from the Gozo Institute, said that the Director wanted to be near the boys of the institutes in order to get vocations from them.[2790] Michael Cinagura, another old boy of St Joseph’s, Gozo, testified that De Piro tried several times to persuade him to join.[2791]

The Founder went as far as organising vocational recruitment at the institutes. He entrusted the Brothers with the care of those boys who showed any interest. [2792] Then De Piro himself took care of those who wished to join. He called these to his room and talked to them.[2793] He invited them to go to the Society’s House in Mdina for meetings specifically organised for the prospectives.[2794] For these youths the Servant of God set up the Congregation of St Aloisius.[2795] A Brother was chosen to be in charge of the Congregation and he talked about the Society.[2796] Sometimes De Piro himself talked to the boys of this Congregation.[2797] Lastly, the Brother in charge chose some from among the youths and presented them to the Founder.[2798]

In spite of all this activity, Br Felix Muscat and Nazzareno Attard, another oldboy of St Joseph’s, Malta, said that De Piro never pestered the boys with vocational propaganda.[2799] Michael Ciangura confirmed this last truth. De Piro had tried to persuade him to join the Society, so much so that the Servant of God sent him to the Oratory to become an aspirant. After a while Ciangura showed that he did not want to remain there. Monsignor did not force him to stay; he never exerted any pressure on him.[2800] On the opposite the Founder accepted Michael’s wish and sent him back to St Joseph’s, Malta, where he had been in order to continue learning his tailoring.[2801]

- The religious aspect (religious practices)

- Teaching of the catholic faith

De Piro preached about different topics: from the Word of God in the life of the human being, to the incarnation of the Word, to the sacraments, to the saints, to human health, and to death.[2802] In the Original Constitutions of his Society he presented this exhortation to the member preachers:

Avranno pertanto i Missionari ogni cura di ammaestrare il popolo nelle verità della Santa Religione; di esortarlo alla pratica dell’orazione, delle virtù e delle opere buone, alla frequenza dei Sacramenti della penitenza e dell’eucaristia; di mettere in orrore le occasioni del peccato, le false massime del secolo ed i piaceri dannosi; di incitare alla buona e santa lettura; di promuovere la devozione del Sacro Cuore di Gesù, della Vergine SSma. e del suo Rosario, di San Giuseppe di San Paolo e degli angeli custodi e delle anime purganti, raccomandando in favor loro l’atto eroico di carità.[2803]

The Servant of God preached in different circumstances.[2804] And he preached to all sorts of people: whether boys and girls, youths, laymen and laywomen, religious and diocesan priests.[2805]

The topics of the articles of his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” were again quite varied. He started from those having to do with the daily living of the readers: [2806] from blasphemy to the Church, from heaven to mortification, from the observance of the Day of the Lord, from Our Lady to peace in the world, from the Sacred Heart to suffering in the life of the human being, from the souls in purgatory to the will of God. Then he went on to widen the view, perspective, mind and heart of the Maltese by referring to the Maltese migrants.[2807] Further than this, he even wrote a lot of material about the evangelisation of the ad gentes people.[2808]

If De Piro was so keen to provide the boys and girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes with all the material basic needs for their life, he was no less attentive to supply them with the teaching of catechism.[2809] Besides guaranteeing a good teaching,[2810] the Director organised things in a way that there was memory work, but there were also instructions about the living of the faith in their lives.[2811] In the speech made to the Governor General on the occasion of the opening of St Joseph’s, Gozo, the Servant of God himself said that at the Institute it was intended to give the boys “A sound and practical knowledge of Religion.”[2812] In fact in the Original Constitutions of his Society he referred to the teaching of catechism as the culture of the youths, the formation of the various aspects of their lives.[2813] It has also been said that in the first house of the Society the members were keen to organise games for the boys who attended the catechism classes there.[2814] On the other hand the Constitutions mention another element for the creation of an environment which guarantees a holistic formation, “… i quali oltre chè colla pratica di vari esercizi di pietà, si potranno anche aiutare con qualche utile e santa attrattiva come sarebbe una sala da studi…”[2815]

This was the main aim of the Oratory even before the Servant of God took over.[2816] Then in the donation act De Piro bound himself and his Society to continue giving that same catechetical service.[2817] In fact each weekday the 400 boys and youths who attended[2818] were separated in their respective classes and had half an hour catechism.[2819] This was the time when, almost anywhere in Malta, the teaching of catechism was a lot lacking.[2820] The Oratory was not responsible only for the catechism imparted in its building; it had also a branch at the chapel of St Paul, in Valley Road and had to supervise the catechism classes at the MUSEUM, both of them at B’Kara.[2821]

In an article in the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” De Piro referred to a report by Captain Henri Curmi, the Commissioner of Malta in Australia.[2822] The article is mainly about the faith of the Maltese migrants, but in it the Servant of God showed quite clearly his holistic outlook towards the life of the Maltese abroad. In the article, Monsignor referred to the formation that has to be given to the migrants. This must be made up of material instruction and external education, and the generation in good condition of the faith of the migrants. This can be given by means of religious instruction, and other teaching. If the above is not given the result would be moral and material loss. A weaving together of the material and spiritual aspects, indeed!

It was not infrequent that De Piro wrote about some model of the missionary agent in his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”.[2823] In the 1928 edition he referred to Pompe Nosuelli, a lay brother of the Institute of Milan.[2824] This missionary was presented as having lived a balance between the spiritual and material aspects. Then as a result of this same living he was able to impart a holistic formation to those around him. In this presentation the Author, instead of presenting the ingredients of the material and the spiritual aspects in two distinct groups, one following the other, presented these dimensions as different threads woven together in order to make a one single cloth, the life and the activity of the missionary. Nosuelli always followed the footprints of our Redeemer, Our Lord Jesus Christ; always sought to do good to everybody; died blessing everyone; was a man of wonderful piety; was free from his duty he spent long hours in the Church; was exact in performing his religious duties - no obstacle hindered him from it; when his office hindered him from performing his religious duties, he would perform them at another time; at 4.30am he woke up and did his meditation; was a man of great action; in his mission he built the first house for the missionaries and the first church too; he was remembered for the skill he had to provide the missionary Friars, his companions dispersed throughout the mountains, with whatever they needed.[2825]

In the Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society, the Founder was quite explicit about the necessity of the intertwining of the material and spiritual elements in the missionary work ad gentes, “… educare i selvaggi nei doveri della vita civile, ciò infatti contribuisce allo stesso bene spirituale degli stessi…”[2826] On the other hand in the 1928 Almanac, De Piro wrote that the work of the missionaries ad gentes is the setting on fire the hearts of the pagans with God’s love.[2827]

In the 1927 edition of the Almanac, Monsignor equated the missionary work ad gentes to the scattering and the erection of faith.[2828] But both before and after this publication the Servant of God said more than once what he meant by faith. It is:

· the eradication of human slavery;[2829]

· the giver of life, real life;[2830]

· the giver of the light of belief;[2831]

· the giver of the light of truth;[2832]

· the giver of light to see the real God;[2833]

· the introduction of civilization;[2834]

· the introduction of liberty;[2835]

· the development of trades and professions;[2836]

· the civilization of the bad customes, the exercising of people in their trades, in their sciences, in th many worthwhile matters.[2837]

Which shows quite clearly that for De Piro the missionary work was not only material or only spiritual but both, and therefore holistic.

De Piro was quite clear about the specific ministry the Brothers of his Society were expected to give to the Church, the teaching of catechism.[2838] He had also written to Mizzi and received from him about the big need of catechists in Ethiopia.[2839] Yet he did not send Brother Joseph Caruana with a specific mission, that of catechetical teaching. Rather he helped him prepare himself with several skills, crafts, etc, to help the Ethiopians in the various aspects of their life.[2840]

- Moral formation

Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit can be said to have synthesised the moral formation given in the Institutes directed by the Servant of God, “One could see that the children had a sound moral formation. This could be seen also in them when they left the Institute.”[2841]

In his 1919-1920 seminary report De Piro referred to the problems the seminarians were meeting in relation to the moral theology course.[2842]

- Liturgy/paraliturgy

The fact that Carmena Mallia referred to the fervent eucharistic spirituality of the Director[2843] implicitly indicated that De Piro saw to it that the girls of Fra Diegu had their daily mass. Nazzareno Attard made direct references to the daily mass at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2844] The several references made by the old boys and old girls of the ecclesiastical charitable institutes to the way how Monsignor said mass[2845] again indicated that he wanted the Institutes to provide the mass for the inmates. Then, according to Carmena Mallia the Director of Fra Diegu Institute wanted that Sunday would be celebrated as a special day: he insisted that the girls would wear better dresses than usual.[2846]

Again, by the donation act between Notary Michael Casolani and the Servant of God, the latter bound himself and the members of his Society to be regular in the administration of the liturgy and the paraliturgy at the Oratory in Birkirkara.[2847] On Sunday mornings they had mass and communion.[2848] Sacramental Benediction was given after catechism on weekdays,[2849] while on Sundays it was received in the afternoon after the explanation of the Gospel.[2850]

In his report, the Rector of the Mayor Seminary at Mdina made reference to the lack of teaching of the Gregorian chant.[2851] He praised the faithful service rendered by the seminarians both at the Cathedral in Mdina and at St John’s CoCathedral in Valletta.[2852]

Frs Augustine Grech and Louis Gatt testified that the Founder talked to them, members of his Society, about the liturgy.[2853] Gatt also said that the Padre involved the members in the Liturgy, both at Home and elsewhere:

For the liturgy there was the calendar. This contained all the celebrations that were held in the chapel of the Society’s house. Whenever he was in the house when a feast was being celebrated, he himself conducted the service. He was very meticulous and serious as regards ceremonies and the preparation of the vestments to be worn. He also loved to take the members of the formation group to some institute of which he was director, e.g. on the eve of Easter he used to take them to Fra Diegu.[2854]

In the Original Constitutions the Founder emphasised the importance of the Liturgy in the Society, “Si abbia nella nostra Compagnia una devota cura della liturgia tanto nel canto che nelle cerimonie, ed il Padre Superiore Locale provvederà perchè uno della Comunità si dedichi allo studio speciale delle rubriche, perchè le stesse possano essere da tutti osservate colla maggiore esattezza.”[2855]

While continuing his reference to the liturgical vestments of the Founder, Fr Gatt also said that Monsignor wanted the novices to learn the liturgical rites and its sacred music.[2856]

- The Eucharist

Carmena Mallia testified that, at Fra Diegu where she lived her childhood and youth, the Director demonstrated a deep eucharistic spirituality.[2857] Mass was said by him with great devotion.[2858] Peter Camilleri and Michael Ciangura said the same thing as regards the masses the Servant of God said at St Joseph’s, Gozo.[2859] Peter Camilleri said that when De Piro was at St Joseph’s, Gozo, he always wanted to say mass himself.[2860] According to Mallia, the Director himself regularly attended the weekly adoration of the Blssed Sacrament.[2861] As regards the First Holy Communion, Monsignor wanted that the girls of Fra Diegu be well prepared for it.[2862] He himself examined the girls.[2863] He then saw to it that the girls would be instilled with this eucharistic spirituality.[2864]

To keep alive in the members of his Society their love to the Blessed Sacrament, the Founder saw to it that there be the eucharistic presence in the houses.[2865] The aspirants at the Oratory in B’Kara, the novices at St Joseph’s, and all the other members in the first houses of the Society in Mdina, had mass in the morning.[2866] The aspirants’ timetable had the visit to Blessed Sacrament after lunch.[2867] Last in the day the aspirants, the novices, and all the other members, had the Sacramental Benediction.[2868]

- Confession or the sacrament of reconciliation

Br Felix Muscat said that De Piro did not confess the boys of St Joseph’s, Malta.[2869] The same was said by Michael Ciangura as regards St Joseph’s, Gozo. Another priest came there.[2870] Carmena Mallia said that at Fra Diegu other priests were available for the spiritual needs of the girls.[2871] Nazzareno Attard, from St Joseph’s, Malta, said the opposite. [2872] As did Loreto Rapa regarding the Gozo Institute.[2873] He himself did confess to him.[2874] Attard, in 1987, said that many boys went to De Piro,[2875] while in the 1988-1992 Tribunal sessions the same Attard testified that some dozen boys went to De Piro for confesion.[2876]

Nazzareno Attard also said that the Director heard confessions attentiviely, quietly, calmly, gently and understandibly;[2877] that in confession the Servant of God gave advices for a better life;[2878] that the Director did not resort to fear; [2879] and that as penance he gave three Hail Mary. [2880] Attard added that there were other confessors in the Institute.[2881]

Every Saturday the Oratory boys and youths were encouraged to receive the sacrament of reconciliation.[2882]

In his Seminary 1919-1920 scholastic year report, the Rector made reference to the lack of the presence of a spiritual director.[2883] From De Piro’s own words one easily finds out that the Servant of God was rather referring to the confessor of the seminarians.[2884]

As regards the members of the Society and the emphasis the Founder did about the sacrament of reconciliation Fr Louis Gatt had this to say, “With us members of the Society he used to emphasize the importance of this sacrament. He did this as much as he did in relation to the other acts of piety.”[2885]

In the Original Constitutions the Servant of God reminded the members of his Society of the weekly confession.[2886]

- Prayer and religious practices

On 9 January 1987 Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, testified that the Director strongly believed in the power of prayer[2887] and he tried to instil this in the girls themselves. [2888] Dr Alexander Cachia Zammit said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that there were times of prayer at St Joseph’s, Malta.[2889] The boys’ daily timetable proves this:

05.30 am	Mass[2890]
11.30 am	Prayer: Buona Morte[2891]
pm	Rosary, [2892] Eucharistic Benediction.[2893]

Table 19

In the Gozo Institute the timetable was exactly the same.[2894]

Nazzareno Attard also said that on Maundy Thursday, the St Joseph’s boys visited the Altar of Repose and did the Seven Visits to the Blessed Sacrament.[2895]

As in the case of the Institutes, the daily and Sunday Oratory timetable included the Blessed Sacrament Benediction.[2896]

Almost at the very beginning of his 1919-1920 Seminary report De Piro presented the meditation as very important for the seminarians.[2897] Further on in his report the Rector mentioned the retreats held at the Seminary.[2898]

When in Rome for his studies, Joseph De Piro had already started thinking about the setting up of a missionary society.[2899] It was his spiritual director who told him to stop thinking about it for that moment.[2900] Having finished his studies he became ill again of tuberculosis.[2901] To be healed of this sickness the Servant of God, on 10 July 1902, went to Davos, Switzerland.[2902] In his Diary De Piro said that “…tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi così lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto…” he could not do anything about his “… ormai divenute antiche idee”, “… non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato.”[2903] If De Piro himself prayed a lot before concretising his dream, so much so did he exhort the members of his Society to pray. Fr Augustine Grech emphasised the fact that the Founder talked to the members of his Society about the spiritual aspect of their life in general.[2904] In his testimony to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, Fr Peter Paul Borda said that the members of De Piro’s Society had a timetable that in itself showed the Founder’s attention to this aspect of the members’ life.[2905] Fr Grech, Br Felix Muscat and Mr Paul Xuereb, all among the first members of the Society, agreed that even when they were loaded with work, the Founder emphasised that they had to do the acts of piety just the same.[2906] The meditation points were mentioned by Br Venanz Galea.[2907] Galea, and with him Frs Louis Gatt and Peter Paul Borda, mentioned also the meditation.[2908] According to Michael Vella Haber the meditation was expected to be done even by the aspirants.[2909] Paul Xuereb hinted to the meditation in common.[2910] Fr Gatt and Br Muscat testified that the novices, even the Brothers, had two meditations daily.[2911] Besides the daily acts of piety, Borda and Vella Haber mentioned the annual retreat.[2912] Vella Haber also said that the members used to recite the De Profundis while going down the stairs.[2913] He even mentioned the Miserere.[2914] The programme of the aspirants included, according to Xuereb, the spiritual reading during meals.[2915] Frs Joseph Caruana and Louis Gatt said that spiritual reading was done in the afternoon.[2916] According to Gatt and Br Felix Muscat, the Brother novices had two moments of spiritual reading.[2917] Fr Joseph Caruana and Paul Xuereb indicated that the aspirants and the Brother novices did the examen of conscience in the evening.[2918] Michael Vella Haber said that while making part of the Society he learnt two short prayers: “Iesus Nazarenus, Rex iudeorum, miserere nobis”[2919] and “Ecce crucem Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, fugite partes adversae, vicit leo de tribu Judeae, radix David. Hallelujah.”[2920] Fr Augustine Grech and Br Felix Muscat added, in their testimonies, the prayer for the souls in purgatory: the heroic act of charity. They said that the Founder put a picture near the main entrance of the Society’s House so that everyone remembered to pray for the dead.[2921]

In the Constitutions of the Society, De Piro started the section “Ezercizi di Pietà”[2922] by presenting the essential connection between the missionary actions of the members and the acts of piety, “Per perfezionarsi sempre più nella vita interiore, che deve essere l’anima delle nostre azioni esterne, e senza la quale poco si potrebbe sperare dalle opere di Missione e di carità alle quali i membri della Compagnia si dedicano, ciascuno in Domino, attenderà con tutta diligenza agli esercizi di pietà…” [2923]

The Servant of God continued by presenting a list of the particular acts of piety, finishing with an emphasis on the necessity of the meditation and the examen of conscience.[2924]

To the novices of 1929-1930, Mgr De Piro delivered thirteen conferences about the acts of piety.[2925] In these he explained to the Brothers the why of these acts: they help the individual get closer to God.[2926] Most important among these is the meditation.[2927] For the priest’s life the mass must be central.[2928] As it is for the other members of the community.[2929] So much so must the members get closer to Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist.[2930] On two separate days the Servant of God exhorted the novices about the monthly[2931] and annual retreats.[2932] And the Via Crucis,[2933] and confession.[2934] Spiritual reading was referred to twice in these conferences.[2935] As in the Original Constitutions, the Founder emphasised in a special way the importance of meditation and the examen of conscience.[2936]

- The Marian devotion

Carmena Mallia testified that the Servant of God had a deep trust in Our Lady.[2937] At the beginning of every visit to Fra Diegu, the Director always knelt down in front of the statue of Our Lady and said three Hail Mary.[2938] When possible he was always saying the rosary. [2939] He had a special devotion to Our Lady of Pompei.[2940] In fact he encouraged the girls of Fra Diegu to celebrate this feast of Our Lady each year.[2941]

If one were to have a look at the Original Constitutions written by De Piro for his Society, one would find out that the Founder exhorted the members to pray to God and the Society’s patron saints in favour of the Society.[2942] He mentioned Our Lady as the first among the saints.[2943] Also, in the Original Constitutions he recommended prayers to Jesus and Mary in a special way for the living of the vow of chastity.[2944] According to witnesses in the Ecclesiastical Tribunal, the Founder insisted with the members of his Society to say the rosary.[2945] The novices, the Brothers and all other members had the daily community rosary.[2946] In the case of the Brothers he wanted to see the rosary beeds hanging to the sash of their habit.[2947] To these he addressed these Constitutional words regarding their devotion to Our Lady:

Tutti i Fratelli Catechisti abbiano e conservino una tenera devozione alla Vergine Santissima, che si studieranno di imitare nello spirito di raccoglimento e di orazione; di ubbidienza, di povertà e purità, mantenendosi sempre umili ed attivi in continuo aiuto ai Sacerdoti, che profondamente rispetteranno, ed alle opere della Compagnia. Essi pertanto reciteranno giornalmente l’intera corona della Beata Vergine; e quando l’ufficio e le loro occupazioni lo permetteranno, sappiano di fare una cosa molto grata alla Compagnia se indulgeranno nella recita di questa preghiera tanto efficace.[2948]

In the conferences to the 1929-1930 novices, De Piro made two exhortations about the rosary.[2949] In one of them he brought out the biblical basis of this marian prayer.[2950] The Founder also encouraged the members of his Society to promote the devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary and her Rosary in their preaching. [2951] From the Vatican Arts Laboratory De Piro ordered an image of Our Lady to be put in a central place in the main House of the Society.[2952]

- Mary Assumed into heaven

In 1909 De Piro was preparing for the foundation of his Society. On 1 August of that same year he wrote a draft of the formula that was expected to be read by the future members during their religious profession. In it he referred to Our Lady. But not only; he mentioned the “Beata Vergine Assunta in Cielo”.[2953] On 12 June 1910 Archbishop Peter Pace opened and blessed the first House of the Society, at Mdina. In the speech with which the Founder greeted His Excellency, there was again mention of the “Madre Nostra Maria Assunta in Cielo”.[2954] In the Society’s Council session of 17 April 1928, the Founder invited his assistants, Frs Spiteri and Callus, to discuss the opening of a novitiate for the Brother Catechists, at St Josephs’, Malta.[2955] On 4 August 1928 the Servant of God and his General Council decided to open this novitiate exactly on the 15 August,[2956] the Feast of the Assumption of Our Lady, and be dedicated to the “B. Vergine Assunta”.[2957] In the Acts of this session, the Secretary of the Council added that Mary assumed into heaven was the “Patrona Principale della Compagnia”.[2958] And De Piro signed these Acts![2959] In the following Council session, 11 August 1928, the Founder asked his assistants to discuss the opening of an “educandato”, for the aspirants of the Society.[2960] This at the B’Kara Oratory.[2961] The name of this Centre was not decided in that session, but in that of 15 February 1929 there was a first clear mention of it: “Educandato Santa Maria”.[2962] This is nothing but another name for Our Lady Assumed into Heaven. In the “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”, De Piro, more than once, showed that as time passed by the devotion to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven continued, “… in the chapel we celebrate her feast under the title of the Assumption, a title which has brought new graces on the institute.”[2963] Ten years after the Founder wrote these words:

In our missionary institute we also tried to offer flowers to Our Lady by means of a literary academy among the students who are housed there (At the Oratory, B’Kara). We concluded by a resolution to make heard our small voice to the Bishop to place another pearl in the crown of Mary Our Most Holy Mother through the dogmatic definition of the glorious Assumption of Mary ...[2964]

And a year later he added:

Therefore we too chose her as our most cherished patroness, we who since the beginning of the Institute felt Mary’s help. Since the Institute had its beginning in the island of Saint Paul, we felt that we could not do better than venerate her under a very ancient custom in Malta when, under the title “Santa Marija” her assumption into heaven is celebrated throughout the whole place.

And when in the course of development of the Institute we came to open the Boarding house at the Oratory of B’kara, we could not find a better name than that of Santa Marija. We also dedicated the first academy we held at the Boarding House in honour of the Blessed Virgin, since it was also the year of the centenary of the Council of Ephesus. Before concluding that very dear meeting we adopted a resolution to ask the Bishop, in our smallness, to ask the Pope to advance the dogmatic definition of the Assumption of the Blessed virgin , how and when he sees it fit.[2965]

In the last writing, the Servant of God himself said why he chose Mary’s Assumption into Heaven for the members of his Society: his Congregation was founded in Malta and the Maltese have a special veneration to Our Lady Assumed into Heaven.[2966] But in Malta there is also an extended devotion to Our Lady of Mount Carmel. For an image to be crowned it is necessary that the image itself be antique. There must be a special devotion towards it. And graces must be granted through its intercession. Archbishop Carmelo Scicluna crowned the image of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, found in Valletta, Malta. It was the first image to be crowned in Malta. This as far back as 15 July 1881.[2967] Wednesdays and Saturdays are observed by many as days of prayer and mortification in honour of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.[2968] Ursola, the mother of the Servant of God was herself a member of the Carmelite Tertiary Order.[2969] Our Lady of Victories, or the birth of Our Lady, has been continuosly considered among the Maltese as the one who saved our Islands from their enemies, especially during the two great sieges: the one by the Turks in 1565, and the other by the Germans in the last World War. As far as 1585 a church was dedicated to the Nativity of Mary. This church was known as the church “de la Vittoria”.[2970] Many devotions were practiced all along the years to thank Our Lady and her intercession in favour of the Maltese.[2971] In Malta there are 47 churches and chapels dedicated to Our Lady of Victories.[2972] In 1570 a detailed inventory was made in the parish church of Zabbar, one of the Maltese towns, and reference was made to the high esteem which Our Lady of Graces enjoyed.[2973] Until a few years ago one could easily find an image of Our Lady of Graces in almost each and every Maltese house. Our Lady of Mellieha is still very popular among the Maltese. To the latter De Piro himself led at least one pilgrimage, and on that occasion he even preached a sermon.[2974] In his “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions” he wrote an article about Our Lady of Mellieha.[2975] Here the Servant of God himself mentioned “… the many people who went and are still visiting her …”[2976] And it is to her that De Piro encouraged the readers of his Almanac to go![2977] The feast of Our Lady of Sorrows is celebrated twice a year in Malta: a week before Good Friday and on 15 September. On the first festivity there is a procession in almost all the parishes of Malta, and the Maltese attend in their hundreds, if not in their thousands, for it. While not forgetting the various sermons Monsignor preached about the sorrows of Our Lady,[2978] one must add that it was Monsignor who helped the Hamrun parishpriest to get the permission from the Archbishop to start celebrating the 15 September feast of Our Lady of Sorrows.[2979] And one must not forget Our Lady of Pompei. There has always been great devotion to this Madonna all over Malta. Until today, on 8 May, at noon, many Maltese still recite the Supplica of Our Lady of Pompei. The De Piro family was very devout of this Madonna.[2980] The Servant of God himself,[2981] his own mother[2982] and several witnesses linked Our Lady of Pompei to Joseph’s vocation.[2983] The Servant of God himself encouraged this devotion.[2984] In spite of the fact that all these Marian titles were more than popular among the Maltese … and even with De Piro himself, the latter chose no one of them for the members of his Society; he preferred the mystery of the Assumption of Our Lady.

Although it was only in 1950 that Pope Pius XII proclaimed that: “… the ever Imaculate Virgin Mary, after her life here on earth, was assumed to the glory of heaven, body and soul …”[2985] there had already been before a constant belief that Our Lady was assumed into heaven, body and soul.[2986] Which means that the Servant of God could have chosen the mystery of the Assumption of Our Lady for his Society exactly because it embodied his belief in the glorification of the whole human being.

- Saint Paul

According to Fr Augustine Grech, the Founder had a special devotion to St Paul.[2987] He named the Society after this Apostle.[2988] He then included Paul’s name in the profession formula of the Society.[2989]Grech also said that the Padre wanted the members to celebrate the feasts of the Apostle, especially his conversion, in the chapel of the main House of the Society.[2990] Br Felix Muscat added that De Piro wanted the feast to be celebrated even in the other Houses of the Society.[2991] In the Constitutions of the Society, Monsignor encouraged the members to pray the Apostle for the Society.[2992] Muscat also said that in his talks to the members, the Servant of God often referred to the Saint[2993] because he wanted the members to have the Apostle’s zeal.[2994] In the Original Constitutions De Piro exhorted the members of his Society to imitate St Paul in his generosity[2995] and absolute obedience to God’s call to follow him,[2996] in his humility[2997] and in his love for the others.[2998] To help them arrive at this, added Muscat, the Padre insisted that the members learn the Letters of St Paul very well,[2999] according to Grech even by heart.[3000] Obviously the articles he wrote in the Almanac about St Paul[3001] helped even the members to come nearer to the Apostle of the Gentiles. In the Constitutions, then, the Founder insisted with the members that they preach the devotion to St Paul.[3002]

- Saint Joseph

Loreto Rapa and Peter Camilleri, two old boys of St Joseph’s, Gozo, testified that they could notice that the Director had a great devotion to St Joseph.[3003] Rapa added that one of the first things De Piro did when he took over the Institute was to embelish the chapel and dedicate it to St Joseph.[3004] He even put a statue of the Saint on the outside wall of the Home.[3005]

Fr George Cassar was a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship at the Mdina Seminary. He witnessed to the Rector’s devotion to St Joseph when he shared a short nice experience:

Once Fr George entered the Rector’s room and noticed that St Joseph’s picture was put in the opposite position, facing the wall. Everytime he went there he found it in the same position and he wanted to know why the picture was facing the wall. In fact he asked the Rector, “Why is the picture facing the wall?” “It is like that as a punishment,” answered De Piro. “St Joseph, punished?” asked I. “What did he do?” “He will remain like that until he grants me the grace I have been praying for,” replied the Rector. And when the grace would be granted, St Joseph would have his punishment ended and would be facing the outside as usual.[3006]

Without doubt the statue of St Joseph facing the wall must have been noticed by other seminarians and these must have been positively influenced in their devotion to St Joseph.

Even the members of De Piro’s Society noticed the Founder’s devotion to St Joseph.[3007] In the Original Constitutions the members were exhorted to encourage certain devotions in their preaching. After mentioning the Sacred heart of Jesus, and Our Lady and its Rosary, the Founder reminded the preachers of St Joseph. Even before St Paul![3008]

- The other saints

Fr Louis Gatt said that whenever the Founder talked to the members in private he used to refer to the saints.[3009] In the Original Constitutions, De Piro exhorted the preachers of the Society to encourage their audiences in their love for the saints.[3010]

- Pastoral training

Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God took a lot of care regarding this aspect of formation of the seminarians, “When he was Rector of the Seminary he used to send us, seminarians, to preach in the institutes so that he could train us in preaching and in order to become self confident when we were ordained priests.”[3011]

The Founder did not hesitate to involve the members of his Society in its apostolates. Mr Paul Xuereb told the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that De Piro used to send the students at the B’Kara Oratory to give a helping hand.[3012] Even Fr Augustine Grech mentioned the Oratory. He said that Monsignor sent him to help with the prospective members there. This, when Grech was still a student.[3013] Felix Muscat, one of the first Brothers of the Society, testified that at St Joseph’s, Malta, there were sent especially the Brothers.[3014] Br Venanz Galea was sent to the Gozo Institute when he was still a prenovice.[3015] The timetables for the aspirants, the prenovices, the students and the other members of the Society are a clear proof of the above.[3016]

Muscat added that the Servant of God wanted the memebers to be dedicated to their duties, to the extent of sacrifice.[3017]

In Fascicolo I of the Original Constitutions, the Founder presented “Dei Campi D’Azione” for the members of his Society.[3018] These pages include: the missions, the orphanages, preaching, confessions, child and youth catechism, spiritual retreats, parishes, liturgical celebrations, printing apostolate, houses of beneficence, prisons, assistence to the dying. In itself this list already shows quite clearly the holistic perspective of De Piro’s apostolic love and service. Then, going through at least some of the articles of these sections of the Constitutions, one can notice the holistic reality all the more.

Regarding the work of members both in mission countries and in the orphanages, the Founder said almost the same thing, re: the holistic attitude:

The missions	Ecclesiastical charitable institutes
“The missionaries… who have to evangelise the unbelieving people must not refuse to educate the savages in the duties of the civil life…”[3019]	“All (the members), helped by the spirit of sacrifice, must pay attention to be continuously of edification and good example to the children, not only… in that which pertains to the morality, but also regarding civil manners…”[3020]

The holistic outlook of De Piro was again expressed, this time while dealing with the relationship between the spiritual duties and the apostolate or pastoral work of the members of his Socety. To start with, the Founder synonymised sanctification with perfection and said that these could be acquired through the practicing of the spiritual duties prescribed in the Constitutions. Then it is important to note that the Founder did not dichotomise between the spiritual and the apostolic aspect of the members’ lives. On the opposite he put down these words, “… perciò ognuno, con animo costante, procuri nel proprio ministero o ufficio qualsiasi, di non omettere l’acquisto di quella perfezione…”[3021] The member must acquire perfection not apart from his apostolate but in the apostolate.

Linking, “Sia a tutti di conforto che la Compagnia, quale madre amorosa, ci appresta numerosi aiuti per la nostra santificazione perciò ognuno, con animo costante, procuri nel proprio ministero od ufficio qualsiasi, di non omettere l’acquisto di quella perfezione, che colla grazia divina può acquistare mediante la buona osservanza delle sante regole.”[3022] to, “D’altra parte sia ad ognuno di stimolo il pensiero, che l’osservanza, lo zelo e la pratica delle virtù e delle cose spirituali, non mancheranno di dare alla dottrina ed ai doni naturali ed umani, che ognuno avesse da Dio ricevuto, quella utile efficacia, che serve tanto per la conservazione e prosperità, non solo del corpo, ma anche dello spirito della Compagnia,”[3023] one would have this:

The observance, zeal and practice of the virtues and spiritual duties…

…which help towards our sanctification and perfection…

…give to our teaching (preaching) and natural and human talents…

…that efficacy which is so important for the conservation and prosperity of the body and spirit of the Company.

De Piro did not use the word spirituality but sanctification and perfection. He only used the phrase spiritual duties. Could this be because he did not want to limit perfection and sanctification to the spiritual aspect? Did he want to include the whole person, body and soul, when dealing with perfection and sanctification?

- Religious life aspect

According to Frs Augustine Grech and Louis Gatt and Mr Michael Vella Haber, the Padre talked to the members of his Society about the various dimensions of religious life.[3024] To the Brother novices he talked almost daily about this aspect.[3025] This according to Felix Muscat, who was himself a Brother. The Founder provided the formandi with a fathermaster, Fr Emmanuel Bugeja, an Augustinian.[3026]

As regards the community dimension, Br Venanz Galea said to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God put a lot of emphasis on the common acts.[3027] But the Founder showed in the Constitutions that he knew that it was charity that had to bind the members together, “Sebbene per la carità che costituisce il vincolo e la forza della Compagnia …”[3028]

- The community dimension

In the Constitutions’ section about the refectory keeper, the Padre showed his great sensitivity regarding the love for each individual of the community, “Si tenga sempre consapevole il refettoriere del numero di coloro che mangiano sulle diverse tavole, perchè a tempo opportuno possa tenere avvisato il cuoco, il quale anche terrà consapevole se alcuno tarda a venire perchè egli possa regolarsi nel distribuire le porzioni.”[3029]

- The vows

In Fascicolo I of the Original Constitutions, the Servant of God mentioned the vows twice. In the “Prospetto” he presented them as obedience, poverty, chastity and missions.[3030] In “Della Professione” the Founder put down the formula of the religious profession of the Society. Here he mentioned obedience, chastity, poverty and missions.[3031] In the first part of Fascicolo II of the Original Constitutions, the Founder presented the articles about each vow.[3032] He presented them in this order: obedience, missions, poverty and chastity. Among the conferences to the novices of 1929-1930,

we find two made by De Piro about the vows.[3033] The contents of these is completely canonical.

- Chastity

Fr Louis Gatt testified that, “As regards chastity, he used to tell us about its beauty and give us directives how we should deal with temptations, as well as in our relation with women.”[3034] Michael Vella Haber said that the Servant of God did not allow any misbehaviour regarding chastity.[3035] In the Constitutions, the Founder presented chastity as the fourth vow.[3036] De Piro avoided to expand on the meaning of chastity, but when he came to the means with which to preserve the vow, he was really holistic; he insisted that the whole person must live chastity:

Per la perfetta osservanza di questo santo voto tutti sono tenuti di procurare di vivere e di mantenersi in tale purezza interiore ed esteriore da essere santi di corpo e di spirito ...

Nel trattare col prossimo, particolarmente con persone di sesso diverso, siano tutti molto accurati ed avveduti in custodire anzi tutto il cuore, guardandosi con ogni diligenza dalle genialità e dalle amicizie particolari; poi anche custodicano da ogni disordine le porte dei loro sentimenti, particolarmente gli occhi, le orecchie, la lingua ...”[3037]

One cannot forget the Constitutions section “Della Modestia”.[3038] The very first article of this section proves the Founder’s holistic attitude towards the members’ behaviour, “Ricordevoli tutti i membri della Compagnia che ‘Christi bonus odor sumus’ 2. Cor. 2. 15 unitamente alla mortificazione delle passioni interne procurino di moderare giusto il proprio stato, anche le azioni esterne.”[3039]

About chastity the Founder delivered three conferences to the 1929-1930 Brother novices.[3040] Even here the Servant of God was quite holistic; he talked to the novices about fantasies and the senses. He also suggested both material and spiritual help.

- Poverty

Fr Louis Gatt said that, “Regarding poverty he taught us how to avoid what was unnecessary, to take care of what we had and to ask our superior what was needed.” [3041] In the Original Constitutions there is a specific section about the vow of poverty, the longest one when compared with the sections of the other vows.[3042] Though much of it is rather juridical, such words as those in the beginning show quite clearly the Founder’s holistic outlook towards this vow, “Il voto di povertà esige innanzi tutto che non si disponga di cosa alcuna come propria: ma la sua perfezione richiede ancora che il cuore sia totalmente libero e distaccato dai beni terreni. Tutti adunque i membri della compagnia si guardino dal più tornare coll’affetto a ripigliare quelle cose, a cui hanno rinunciato …”[3043] Even when the Founder presented the object of the vow of poverty, he succeeded in making up a holistic inclusion: earthly goods;[3044] the benefits of some inheritance, etc;[3045] material basic needs, such as food, clothing, housing and furniture;[3046] payment for any service rendered;[3047] and money and other forms of gifts.[3048]

But besides the pages of the section specifically about poverty there are references to this vow in other sections of the Constitutions:

The buyer:

… e sia paziente per comprarle buone ed al minor prezzo possibile.[3049]

Tenga nota del denaro che egli riceve dall’Economo, ed in quali cose l’avrà speso. È poi assai importante che tutti i giorni faccia con lui il conto della spesa, per poter indi intendersi collo stesso circa quello che dovrà comprare per l’indomani. Sia anche premuroso di rendere l’Economo consapevole di ciò che secondo la stagione, trovasi al mercato esposto alla vendita, e convenevole all’economia perchè entro i limiti della nostra povertà possa egli somministrare la mensa alquanto variata.”[3050]

The storekeeper:

Tenga egli tutte le cose chiuse sempre sotto chiave. Sia diligente ed assiduo nel visitare spesso la dispensa e tutti altri luoghi dove tiene le stesse conservate perchè nulla vada a male o si corrompa, ed appena avverte il pericolo di corruzione in qualsiasi cosa ne faccia consapevole il P. Superiore.”[3051]

Memore della povertà sia diligente nel raccogliere tutto ciò che possa avanzare dalla mensa, perchè possa servire per altri usi domestici od anche pei poveri secondo l’ordine che avrà ricevuto dal Padre Superiore.”[3052]

The cook:

Il cuoco poi, in conformità della religiosa povertà che professa, impedisca con diligenza ogni spreco a consumo non necessario.[3053]

One can also say that the sections “The General Treasurer”,[3054] “The Provincial Treasurer”,[3055] “The Treasurer of the Vicariate”,[3056] and “The Local or District Treasurer”[3057] are in themselves sections which shed light on the poverty that has to be observed in the Society. But then certain parts of these sections are still more direct. As regards the local treasurer, “Egli provvederà il vitto alla Comunità, con quella semplicità e parsimonia che è propria della nostra povertà senza nulla aggiungere o scemare dal modo ordinario o dall’uso prefisso senza l’ordine del Superiore.”[3058]

In the Conferences for the Brother Catechist novices of the year 1929-1930, De Piro commented about the vow of poverty some eight times.[3059] Several sections of the conferences are rather juridical in nature. Others are not that much; they are more practical and concrete. All in all they are not more than an expansion of what had been indicated in the Constitutions. [3060]

- Obedience

Coming to testify about the Founder’s presentation of obedience to the members of his Society, Fr Louis Gatt said that, “With regards to obedience he used to say that it should be ‘cieca’, that is, we should always obey promptly.”[3061] In the Original Constitutions De Piro presented obedience as the first vow,[3062] but he included some material about it even before the section specifically about this vow. In one of the articles about the novitiate, the Founder made reference to this vow, “I novizi … nel seguire con grande diligenza le orme di questo Esemplare Divino, si studieranno con premura di imitare la sua vita privata; per la qual cosa si terranno perfettamente sottomessi agli ordini dei Superiori, ed ubbidienti con molta diligenza a tutte le regole della Compagnia.”[3063]

The section about obedience is presented, as in the 1917 CIC, the first among the sections about the vows.[3064] Here De Piro gave a really holistic presentation of obedience. He started with the obedience towards God. For the Founder this is the perfection of the virtue of the consecration to God.[3065]

Monsignor mentioned the obedience to the Holy See, “… una sommissione la più figliale ed assoluta alla Santa Sede … alla quale la nostra Compagnia si gloria di professare la più speciale e segnalata soggezione.”[3066] Then he passed on to the obedience to the superiors. Here again the Servant of God presented a holistic understanding of this vow; the member has to be internally and externally involved:[3067]

Keep the superiors as being instead of Jesus Christ; internal reverence and love.	Internally
The member must be quick, perfect, and … without excuses and murmurs, even when asked to do hard things…	Externally
humble to obey	Internally
… and this not only externally.	Internally
Resignation and abnegation of own judgement; conformity of own judgement with that of superiors.	Internally
Expose difficulties…	Externally
But with great humility.	Internally

As regards obedience, CIC (1917) 593 mentioned both superiors and subjects. In some articles of the Constitutions, De Piro was not that clear as regards the fact that even superiors were bound with the vow of obedience.[3068] At the same time it is also true that in other articles there are indications of the otherwise.[3069]

If one were to include the two conferences about the observance of the Rule, one would find out that about obedience the Founder delivered twelve talks to the 1929-1930 Brother novices.[3070] Most of the material is quite similar to that of the Constitutions. Only that in one of the conferences the Founder added that the members had to obey at all times, quickly or without hesitation, and wholeheartedly.[3071] Again the ingredients for a holistic obedience!

- The vow of missions

Fr Louis Gatt said that: “Regarding the missions his idea was that we should go wherever our superior sent us.”[3072] In the Constitutions, the vow of missions is presented as the second one, just after that of obedience. Here the Founder presented only one article, “Per il voto di Missione ciascuno membro della Compagnia deve essere sempre disposto e pronto a recarsi in qualsivoglia parte del mondo dove sarà mandato dall’ubbidienza.”[3073]

I must admit that I expected something more than this in the Constitutions of a missionary Society. The Founder himself referred to this fact in his conference about the missionary vow, delivered to the Brother novices.[3074] Most probably the Founder presented only this one paragraph because he had in mind the section “Delle Missioni” in the pages about “Dei Campi d’Azione”.[3075]

Analysing the conferences to the Brother novices, one finds only one about the vow of missions.[3076] But the Founder did a lot more to instill the missionary spirit in the members of his Society. According to Frs Augustine Grech, Louis Gatt and Peter Paul Borda, Monsignor talked to the members about the missions even before they entered the Society.[3077] Borda said that when he was still a boy, De Piro even gave him missionary literature to read.[3078] Frs Grech and Gatt, and Br Felix Muscat, referred to the fact that in his conferences to the members,[3079] De Piro emphasised the missionary aspect.[3080] He even brought several other persons to talk to the members about the missions: Fr Angelo Mizzi, a missionary in Abyssinia;[3081] Mgr George Caruana, Bishop of Porto Rico;[3082] and Monsignor’s own brother who had been a doctor in Africa.[3083] The publication of the Almanac helped a lot, first and foremost, the members themselves in the increase of their missionary zeal. Br Felix Muscat remembered that the Padre often encouraged them to work out small things to be sold and its money sent to the missions.[3084] Fr Augustine Grech testified that the Padre introduced the one hour adoration of the Blessed Sacrament on Mission Sunday.[3085] Obviously the sending of Br Joseph Caruana, one of the members, to the missions and the Founder’s talking about him[3086] helped a lot towards the missionary animation of the members. Not to mention De Piro’s own going to Abyssinia.[3087]

What helped De Piro live a holistic charity

- Mary assumed into Heaven

It has already been said that Our Lady’s assumption into heaven was very central to the Founder of the Society of St Paul.[3088] Therefore it might have happened that, God’s will to have with him, in heaven, Our Lady, body and soul, could have made De Piro love his brothers and sisters holistically, in all their needs, whether matarial or spiritual.

- The lives of the saints considered together

The knowledge of the lives of the saints and holy persons could have been another source for Monsignor’s holistic charity. In his sermon, he delivered on the occasion of the first solemn high mass of a newly ordained priest who had been a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, the latter presented a list of saints and their different acts of love. Together they made up the holistic charity lived by the Church: John of Matthew, Felix of Volois, Raymond of Peniafort and Peter Nolasco, who offered themselves and founded the Trinitarian and Mercy Congregations for the liberation of the slaves; St Vincent de Paul, the one who in France and then all over the world, set up so many congregations of charity; the Benedictine monk Ponce and the two brother priests Gualandi, who set up charitable institututions for the deaf and dumb, in Spain and in Italy respectively; St John of God, the founder of so many hospitals all over the world; St Camillo de Lellis, the saint of leppers; St Jerome Emiliani, who took care of the orphans; Fr Ludovico da Casoria, who wanted to convert Africa and at the same time set up a house at home to hospitalise the poor and the needy; St John Bosco and his work among the youths; Canon Bonnici, who set up St Joseph’s Orphanage in Malta; and Canon Cottolongo, the one who opened the House of Providence for the handicapped.[3089] In this sermon he also named other saints, this time those who lived their charity in favour of those who lacked the Good News: St Augustine, St Patrick, St Remigio, St Boniface, St Ascanius, St Francis Xavier, St Cyril, St Metodio ans St Solano.[3090]

- The holistic charity of Jesus

But in the same sermon just referred to, the Servant of God made it clear that for him all the saints mentioned above had in their hearts and minds the model of holistic charity, Jesus Christ himself:

‘Pertransit benefaciendo.’ Cosi’ leggiamo nel Vangelo di N.S.G.C. che egli passò opportando a tutti benefici e consolazioni e benedizioni. Ebbene Gesù Cristo volle che le opere di beneficienza si continuassero nella ‘- Parola sublime. ... uscita dal labbro di quel Dio che è fonte di sapienza eterna, l’accoglie il sacerdote ed i miracoli più stupendi della carità divina si rinnovellano.[3091]

Without doubt, the holistic charity of Jesus Christ was the first and most important source and model even for De Piro and his holistic charity.

(xi) Until it hurts

- His own money

Mgr John Baptist Ghigo testified that Ursola, the mother of the Servant of God, used to tell him about the charity her son used to make, “He is always asking for money, ‘Do you have £2.00, because what I had I gave to the poor.’”[3092] Mr Christian Scerri witnessed that, “He gave both the cathedral salary and what his mother used to give him.”[3093] Ms Piera De Piro Gourgion, a niece of the Servant of God, confirmed the above.[3094]

It was already a lot that the Servant of God provided the orphans of the Institutes and the members of his Society with whatever they needed. Yet, this was not all. There were times when Monsignor gave to these his own money. Carmena Mallia, an old girl of Fra Diegu Institute, was quite explicit about this:

In his capacity of Director the Sisters of the Institute came to him for all their needs and he was always ready to provide all they required. He never ever mentioned where or how he obtained the things which were asked of him and sometimes it was evident that it was he himself who was the donor. One day the Mother Superior asked us to say special prayers as the sum of ninety pounds was urgently needed to pay off our debt for bread. Soon after we came to know that the Director had acquired the sum in question. During the war (the First World War) he saw to it that we never lacked anything even though the times were difficult. We had all we needed and never missed our morning tea and we also had sugar and bread every day.[3095]

While in Rome for his studies, De Piro did not have any other income except that given him by his mother. In spite of this, not infrequently, Joseph used to send donations to St Joseph’s, Malta.[3096]

Dr Cachia Zammit said this about the Director’s charity to St Joseph’s, Malta, “He gave all his wealth to the Institute ... It is true that Mr Alphonse helped St. Joseph’s Institute, but the same Mr. Alphonse said that De Piro made most of the contributions.” [3097]

De Piro did not give his own money only to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes and to the members of his Society. Anthony Scerri testified to the Ecclesiastical Tribunal that the Servant of God addressed some of his finances for the teaching of catechism, “De Piro hired a room near the first house of the Society in order to gather together the boys for catechism.”[3098]

George Wilson, who was himself from Mdina, showed that De Piro gave to the poor even the money that was really necessary for him, “He was so generous with the poor that he would often be obliged to go back home on foot, because on leaving the Institute to go home he would find that he had given away all the money he had, even the tram fare to take him home. I myself have seen him take to the road to walk back home.”[3099] Later on Wilson added that, “He was a charitable man and he often gave money to the poor. The funny thing was that he used to have to go back home on foot because he was penniless.”[3100] Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro’s rectorship, said the same thing, “There were many times when he wanted to go to Mdina with the tram and he did not have the money to pay the fare because he would have given it to someone…” [3101] Later on Cassar also said that, “Sometimes instead of using the train he used the cab. In this way he saved the money and gave it to the poor drivers.” [3102] The same thing was repeated by Sr Bibiana Zammit, a nun at Fra Diegu.[3103]

- The Society’s, and therefore his own houses

It was the Founder who provided the housing for the members of the Society.[3104] Therefore the houses of the Congregation were his own, or at least it was he who paid from his own money for their renting. Just a year after the foundation of the Society, De Piro opened the first house of his Congreagation for the teaching of catechism.[3105] Because of this one can say that Monsignor was indirectly paying for the catechism classes in the Society’s first House. Not only this! While the 1917 CIC asked of religious that they make available all their parish churches for the teaching of catechism,[3106] De Piro exhorted the memebrs of his Society to make available even their other churches, besides the parish churches, and their houses, for the catechetical instructions.[3107] This meant nothing less than all the Society’s property!

- His own bed and clothes

Lawrence Grixti, the De Piro family butler, narrated this story about De Piro:

When Monsignor visited his family, at Mdina, he used to travel by train. This used to stop at the station which was below the bastions, where there is the bridge. Once I saw him coming towards me and I noticed he was trembling. I asked him what had happened. ‘Lawrence, I had a big fright today,’ said Monsignor. ‘But what happened?’ I asked him. ‘On my way to Mdina, from the station,’ said Monsignor, ‘I was attacked by two men who gave me a terrible fright.’ ‘What did they do to you?’ I asked him. ‘Nothing,’ answered Monsignor. ‘As soon as they realised who I was, they let me go.’ ‘So I will come and meet you every evening, at about 7.00, and accompany you on your way,’ I told him. Once when I was waiting for him with a lantern in my hands I saw him coming with a boy whose clothes were dirty and torn. ‘He had been alone on the shore and so I brought him with me,’ said Monsignor. He brought the boy with him to Mdina. In those days rich people used to have two matresses on top of each other, which were stuffed with weeds. On top of these they used to have one stuffed with wool. He took the boy to his room and without thinking twice removed the sheets from his bed, took the matress which was on top, put it in one corner of the room and prepared it so that the boy could rest on it. After a few days without telling Monsignor himself, Lawrence went to Monsignor’s mother so that she could give him a matress for Monsignor. ‘What happened to the one he had?’ asked Ursola. Then I told her what had happened. When Monsignor came home his mother gently told him, ‘Joseph, why did you do that? You are very tired after a day’s work. You will not be able to rest on those two matresses.’ On his part Monsignor said nothing. When he and I went out, he turned to me and told me, ‘Lawrence, whatever you see and hear in my room is not to be reported to my mother. ‘Who else could I tell if not your mother?’ I asked him. ‘Who else could give me a matress for you?’ ‘Silence is the best thing in such circumstances,’ he answered me.[3108]

The case of the poor boy was mentioned also by Ms Elena Refalo, one of the nieces of the Servant of God.[3109] Joseph Tonna, who hailed from Mdina, said this:

In summer the Founder used to go to Birzebbugia and he used to take even Lawrence Grixti with him. When the latter went to Mdina and Ursola, the Founder’s mother, asked him about her son, Lawrence used to answer her, ‘As usual; he would sleep on the floor on some sheets and only wearing a jumper because the matress and the other clothes he gave for charity.’ He never showed off his charity.[3110]

Anthony Scerri, who attended the Mdina catechism classes in the first House of De Piro’s Society, testified this, “When he used to come to Mdina to see her (his mother), and he had some old shoes she used to tell him, ‘Oh, Joseph, what a pair of shoes you have. This is not appropriate for you.’ On his part he would tell her, ‘No worries, mum. What I save from the shoes I give as charity.’ ” [3111]

- His own rest

Obviously, living his duties very responsibly made Monsignor many a times keep back from having enough rest. At least this is what Nazzareno Attard testified more than once.[3112]

- His own food

George Wilson was an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta. On one particular occasion he noticed that De Piro deprived himself of something more vital than his own money, clothes, bed or rest:

He used to be grateful for the least thing. If you offered him an apple he would be glad to have it. He would take it and thank you for it and then surprisingly pass it on to someone else.

One day, while waiting for the relic of St Francis Xavier to arrive at St Joseph’s Institute, he got tired and hungry. ‘Would you kindly bring me some coffee, Wilson?’ he asked me. I brought him the coffee. But he gave it to Canon Aquilina.[3113]

A certain Anthony Gatt referred to the same thing. He quoted Fr Joseph Spiteri, one of the first members of the Society of St Paul and a very close collaborator of De Piro, “As Fr Joseph Spiteri used to say, there were many times when Monsignor used to give his food to someone and he had only a cup of tea. He was a very charitable person; he gave everything and never had anything.”[3114]

- His own time

Since early in his life as a priest, the Servant of God offered his own time for St Joseph’s, Malta. Before De Piro was chosen Director of Fra Diegu Institute in 1907, Fr George Bugeja had to be away from the Institute for a whole month. He asked Fr Joseph to substitute him and De Piro accepted.[3115]

When the Servant of God became Director of Fra Diegu Institute he had no other official appointment. He therefore visited the Orphanage regularly and spent hours talking to the Sisters and the girls. Sisters Consiglia Vassallo and Felicia Vella, two nuns who were at Fra Diegu Institue at the time of De Piro, said this about the Director, “He used to visit the Institute three times a week, Monday, Thursday and Saturday… Whenever he visited the Insitute, he used to go around all the children on the place of work in order to encourage them.”[3116] But Mother Pauline Cilia who was the superior at the time of the death of the Servant of God, and Mother Cleophas Bondin, a teacher at Fra Diegu, showed that the Director continued with his regular visits to Fra Diegu even when he was loaded with many responsibilities.[3117]

After accepting to found and direct St Joseph’s, Gozo, he had to prepare the building that was going to shelter the orphans. He sent Fr Michael Callus and a young lad called Vincent Galea to do this. Not only! He went himself and stayed there for some weeks in order to help in the preparations.[3118]

In 1918 De Piro was already quite busy with Fra Diegu Institute and the Monsignorate. Yet he again sacrificed his time when he accepted being member of the National Assembly[3119] and of its Central Commission,[3120] when he intervened in the Sette Giugno 1919 events[3121] and while he gave his share in the Committee “Pro Maltesi Morti o Feriti il 7 o 8 Giugno del 1919”.[3122]

If Rabat was lacking in well organised catechetical activities, more and more did the small suburbs that surrounded it. Mtarfa was one of them. De Piro’s charism to evangelise did not allow him to remain passive. He realised that there was this situation. He concluded what had to be done. And he took action by going himself there in orer to teach catechism. This was attested to by Mr Christian Scerri who gave his testimony to Fr Aloisius Aloisio mssp, “When I used to meet him (the Servant of God) on the bridge going to Mtarfa for the catechism classes, because he taught catechism there… Yes, when he found out that the children of this area did not learn any catechism he started going there himself. And he was a Monsignor already!” [3123]

After founding his Society De Piro opened the Houses of the Society and organised catechetical classes in them. But not only this. According to Joseph Tonna, the Servant of God, every now and then, made himself present and asked questions to the boys who were there.[3125]

In the ecclesiastical charitable Institutes the Servant of God dedicated his own time for the catechetical formation of the children who lived there. Mother Pauline Cilia, a superior of Fra Diegu Institute said that the Director insisted a lot on the teaching of catechism.[3126] Also, he so much cared for the catechetical preparation of the children for their first holy comunion and their confirmation, that he used to go to Fra Diegu and himself examine the girls about their catechetical knowledge.[3127] The same he did at St Joseph’s, Malta.[3128] Here it was also he who recorded the results in the register “Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione”.[3129] Saviour Schembri, another witness in the Cause of Canonisation of De Piro, said the same thing in relation to the Oratory, at B’Kara: every now and then the Servant of God went there to see how things were going.[3130] All this when De Piro had so many other duties!

De Piro dedicated a lot of time for the foundation of a Society the members of which were supposed to leave Malta in order to work among the Maltese migrants. [3131] But the Servant of God himself went twice abroad, in order to evangelise the Maltese who were away from their country. In 1922 he went to Tunis[3132] and in 1930 he went to Carthage.[3133]

But De Piro’s Society was first and foremost for the missions ad gentes; its members were supposted to go to those peoples who were not yet evangelised.[3134] And he as its Founder wanted to set the example. Although Br Joseph Caurana, a member of the Society had already gone to Abyssinia, the Servant of God seriously planned to go himself for some time to this first mission station of his Society.[3135] It was only his sudeen death that impeded him from doing this.[3136]

Fr Joseph Tonna who ministered at the Cathedral in Mdina, said that Monsignor, “… was very quick in helping the individual who asked anything from him. Even when someone went to him at night, or for confession or for anything else, he was always available.”[3137]

And what about the memberships in the many other committees, commissions, etc?[3138]

- His own dignity, prestige, honour, status and reputation

The Servant of God was not satisfied with only giving nearly all he himself had to the poor. He, a son of one of the most noble families of Malta, a canon and dean of the Metropolitan Chapter, the director of six ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the Founder of a missionary Society, for two years rector of the Mayor Seminary, a member of the National Assembly and of so many other committees and commissions, both civil and ecclesiastical, many a times reduced himself to great humiliation and begged money and goods for the poor children of the institutes and the members of his Society. This is what Fr Joseph Tonna, a priest from Rabat, Malta, said, “Sometimes when he wanted money for his institutes, he used to pass even twice from the same road. He never asked anybody but walked with his head bowed down. People became accustomed to this and they always gave him money for his institutes, whenever they saw him walking with his head bowed down.”[3139] Fr John Vella, an ex member of De Piro’s Society, testified that, “Every Thursday the Founder used to go to the rich families and ask them alms for the institutes.” [3140] Sisters Consiglia Vassallo and Felice Vella, two nuns at Fra Diegu at the time of De Piro confirmed the above.[3141] As did Sr Iole De Piro Gourgion, one of the nieces of the Servant of God,[3142] Mr Saviour Camilleri, an oldboy of St Joseph’s, Malta[3143] and Fr George Cassar, a seminarian at the time of De Piro.[3144]Another niece of De Piro, Elena Refalo said that during the First World War her uncle used to go to the market and beg alms, and from there he used to get a lot of things.[3145] Often, the Servant of God turned to his understanding mother who used to call him “my poor one” and who was worried that he would neglect himself for his beloved orphans.[3146]

As regards the members of his Society, the Founder had to provide for all the dimensions of their life.[3147] He did have his own money, but at times this was not enough for the Society’s members, whose number was always increasing. When he lacked the finances necessary for these he again turned to his mother:

On another day I was speaking to Monsignor’s mother. While we were talking we mentioned the Society which Monsignor had just started. ‘The Society is improving,’ I told her. ‘I am the one who is suffering because he has impoverished me. At one time he comes here to ask for help. At another time he asks for money. When there is not enough food he takes from here. He also comes to take the bed linen,’ lamented his mother.[3148]

During the Sette Giugno riots De Piro did not beg any money for anyone; he only struggled with the British authorities for the basic rights of his fellow Maltese.[3149] At the same time some Maltese who made part of the Valletta mobs blamed especially De Piro for all the injustices.[3150]

During De Piro’s times no one would have ever imagined that a member of a noble family, and a Monsignor, would have ever gone on foot, to a remote rural area, to teach catechism to small poor children. According to Christian Scerri, Monsignor did this when he realised that the Mtarfa children did not have anyone to teach them catechism.[3151]

- Promotions in the civil society

De Piro came from a family which was one of the noblest in Malta.[3152] Because of their nobility the De Piros had a lot of riches.[3153] Also, Joseph was himself quite promising artistically,[3154] had the possibility of becoming a lawyer,[3155] and could also look forward towards a high ranking position in the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia.[3156] All this made young Joseph highly aesteemed, with so many possibilities of becoming influential and powerful in the Maltese civil society. In spite of all this he put everything aside and opted for the priesthood.[3157]

Exactly because of the above credentials in his favour, the Servant of God could have had certain important roles in the civil society, even as a priest. Before De Piro’s time, contemporanious to him and even after him, clergymen with less credentials than him were given important roles in the Maltese civil society.[3158] On his own part the Servant of God preferred to be given to other different works. He dedicated himself to the ecclesiastical charitable institutes. He gave himself to preaching. He was a lot involved in the teaching of catechism. He spent a lot of time on the foundation of a Society that was expected to work in the ad gentes countries and for the Maltese migrants. He himself went twice to the Maltese abroad. And he spent time planning to go to Abyssinia.

- Ecclesiastical promotions

The same thing can be said as regards the ecclesiastical environment. As has already been said, the Servant of God was entrusted with some important ministries. But had he been less involved in these, he would have been undoubtedly given many other more prestigious roles in the Church. Archbishop Peter Pace believed in him so much that even before Joseph was ordained priest, His Excelleny invited him more than once to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica” for diplomatic studies.[3159] De Piro did not accept because he preferred to go the St Joseph’s Orphanage.[3160] Archbishop Mauro Caruana chose the Servant of God as his representative on many committees, commissions, boards, etc, not to mention his nominating him as his personal secretary and rector of the Major Seminary.[3161] Without doubt Caruana would have given him many more responsibilities, but the Archbishop himself could not but be conscious that De Piro had to take care of the several burdens he already had on his shoulders.[3162]

- His own health … and his own life itself

Joseph De Piro was by nature rather weak in health.[3163] He had first been taken sick in a rather grave way when he was supposed to sit for the Matriculation exams.[3164] During his first year in Rome he wrote to his mother on 4 April 1899, telling her that he went to a certain Dr Petacci because of trouble in his throat.[3165] Because he still felt this sickness, he even went a few times afterwards to another doctor, this time Dr Egidi, the best one in Rome as a throat specialist.[3166] This sickness did not seem to be something very serious, but from Joseph’s own letter to his mother, written on 4 June 1899, it seemed it was going to take some time to cure.[3167] It was so much so that in his Diary, De Piro wrote that on 26 November 1906, and therefore seven years after he had had this sickness for the first time, he went to Mgr Emmanuel Debono and while talking to him, told him that because of his illness he was still unable to preach.[3168]

Concurrently with the throat sickness, the Servant of God seemed to be suffering from another disease, this time much more serious. When he was back in Malta from Rome for his first summer holidays, Mgr Coselli, the Rector of the Capranica College, where De Piro stayed while in Rome, wrote to him referring to the actual good health of the Servant of God:

29 Agosto 1899

Mio Carmo De Piro,

Ho ricevuto la sua seconda graditissima lettera, dalla quale rilevo che godete ottima salute.[3169]

Coselli made a similar reference on 7 October of the same year, “Ho ricevuto la vostra carma lettera dalla quale ho rilevato il vostro ottimo stato di salute.”[3170] Even the following year Mgr Coselli mentioned again De Piro’s health, “La vostra lettera mi è stata graditissima per le buone notizie che mi dava della vostra salute.”[3171]

All this emphasis about the health of the Servant of God meant nothing but a lack of it during Joseph’s stay at the Capranica! In fact De Piro himself confirmed in his Diary that the first time he felt this particular sickness was on 19 July 1900.[3172] In the same entry of his Diary he said that he felt sick again with the same illness on 10 July 1902.[3173] Not only this! This time he even said what was the sickness: “Dichiarato dal medico affetto di tuberculosi …”[3174] In fact this time he had to abandon his studies, came to Malta for a few days, and afterwards go to Switzerland, “… per la cura d’aria”.[3175] After 18 months there, De Piro seemed to be healed.[3176] But according to the letters written during April 1918, by the members of the Society to the Founder, who was staying at Fra Diegu Institute, it seemed that the Founder was sick again.[3177] In a letter written by Monsignor to Archbishop Mauro Caruana, and which was recorded in the Acts of the Society’s Council meeting of 5 April 1927, De Piro himself mentioned “l’attacco nervoso di cui ebbi a soffrire l’anno scorso.”[3178] Therefore according to the Servant of God in 1926, he was suffering of a nervous attack! Monsignor continued saying to His Excellency that because of this attack, “… la mia energia ed attività è di molto scemata …”[3179]

De Piro did take care of his health. It has already been said that when still in Rome he went to more than one doctor, at one time even to a medical specialist, to be cured of the illness he had.[3180] After his ordination he went for 18 whole months to Davos, Switzerland in order to get fresh air.[3181] Ruturning to Malta he went to Qrendi for two and a half years to continue recuperating his health.[3182] According to Lawrence Grixti, the De Piro family butler, the Servant of God continued going there every now and then for short breaks.[3183] Br Venanz Galea, one of the first Brothers of the Society, said that the Founder, in order to have some rest, used to accompany the members for some one day while they were having their summer holidays.[3184] As the years passed by Monsignor went abroad more than once to get some rest.[3185] After the 1926 nervous attack, he asked the Archbishop to let him choose two members of his Society to be his councellors or assistants.[3186] He was also attentive on his diet.[3187] But in spite of all this attention, De Piro because of his many different responsibilities,[3188] seemed at times very tired. Nazzareno Attard, an oldboy of St Jospeh’s, Malta, testified more than once about the Director’s tiredness.[3189] Frs John Vella and Michael Camilleri , two of the first priests of De Piro’s Society, were quite explicit about the link between the many duties of the Founder and the tiredness he showed when he visited the members in Mdina. They said that he used to sleep even while in the refectory. [3190] Mr John Buhagiar, who was quite near to the Society’s community at St Joseph’s, Malta, said the same thing.[3191] This tiredness seemed to have continued until the end of his life. Mother Pauline Cilia, the Fra Diegu Superior at the time of the death of Monsignor, testified this, “During the last few weeks before he died he was very tired and weak. In fact he used to tell me, ‘I have not come to work but to rest a little’. When I asked him if he wanted them to prepare him something he used to ask for some meat because he felt weak.”[3192]

In a letter written by Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., to De Piro on 7 October 1929, there is reference to the tiredness of the Servant of God, “… Fra Giuseppe … mi disse che Lei era alquanto indisposto e che i dottori furono costretti a farLe fare un viaggio che La potesse riposare un pò.”[3193]

But this time it seemed that De Piro was much more than tired; it seemed he was as far as mentally exhausted. This was in fact confirmed by Monsignor himself in the first draft of his secret will. Here he himself said that he was suffering of a: “… esaurimento nervoso …”[3194] Most probably this was the time when he also started feeling the symptoms of the fatal sickness, uremia.[3195]

- A lot of psychological, moral and physical suffering: lack of understanding and support, a lot of discouragement, disheartenment, disappointment, sorrow, sadness, deprivation and even pain

Coming from a very noble family Joseph De Piro had almost everything. To add to this, he was quite convinced that he was the one chosen by God to be the founder of a missionary Society.[3196] Exactly because of his attempts to found this same Society, the Servant of God ended up begging from his superiors,[3197] and also from his companion priests,[3198] some dialogue and discussion time about the nature of his future Society, an understanding of the sense of his Society.

Because he wanted to help the Church’s hierarchy understand the nature and sense of his Society he had to wait a lot, be a lot patient, practice temperance, endurance and even perseverance.

Had Joseph lived as a priest in his family, he would have experienced a lot of encouragement. The other members of his family, especially his mother, trusted him a lot. These, and the family environment, would have given him a lot of support in his projects. When he opted for the foundation of the Society, De Piro found very little of this backing from the Church’s hierarchy and his companion priests. Instead of support he experienced disheartenment from some of the Maltese bishops,[3199] from his Vatican superiors[3200] and some of the Maltese priests.[3201]

Disheartenment came for the Founder even from those priests who respected him a lot. Amongst these there was Mgr Francesco Bonnici. The latter did not believe that the Maltese priests could ever go away from Malta.[3202] Two other clerics, Frs George Bugeja and John Mamo, understood his project in the beginning, and did in fact support him in the first days of the Society, [3203] but after a short while they immediately abandoned him.[3204] Some youths did join him and were in fact members in formation, but left after getting a good education.[3205] Another one, John Vella, joined him,[3206] he finished his years of formation, and was even ordained priest.[3207] But after four years of priesthood abandoned him and became a diocesan priest.[3208] All this implied even a lot of disappointments, sorrow and sadness.

Because of his family, the Servant of God could have lived a very easy, tranquil, cosy, comfortable and challenge-free life. When he decided to dedicate himself for the foundation of the Society, De Piro opted for a completely different life.[3209] With the above mentioned challenges one can add such others as: the discomfort of the lack of money because he had to find lodging for the members of his Society,[3210] provide food,[3211] clothing, etc.,[3212] for them, guarantee the members’ academic,[3213] spiritual and religious life formation,[3214] provide their recreation,[3215] etc; the discomfort of lodging - while at his mother’s palace he had his own room,[3216] he stayed in the houses of the Society[3217] where he had very small and uncomfortable rooms;[3218] the discomfort of food - the food of the members of his Society was, according to some member, not that rich;[3219] the discomfort of his not having any more time for himself, because he had to be with the members, even to sleep with them;[3220] the discomfort of travelling because much of his work was in the south eastern part of Malta,[3221] while the Society’s first houses were in the South western part of the Island, Mdina - in those days all transport was uncomfortable[3222] … and De Piro used the public transport;[3223] the discomfort of companions with whom to talk - the first members were still very young, coming from low class families and therefore not much cultured, etc.[3224]

Also, being a De Piro, had Fr Joseph stayed at home he could have easily enjoyed a lot of popularity both in the Church and in the Maltese society. The setting up of a missionary society implied for him a completely different life. In the Constitutions he himself prepared for the members of his Society, the Founder did not want them to accept honours.[3225] To be an example for them he did not want to accept to become Monsignor.[3226]

What helped De Piro live charity until it hurts

- Jesus who suffered for him, a sinner

In the first Chapter of this thesis reference has been made to the discernment carried on by young Joseph De Piro in order to arrive at the choice of his vocation. Joseph did this exercise by putting down the reasons in favour and against his going for the priesthood. Reason 5 shows quite clearly that Jesus’ suffering love was the motive of Joseph’s self offering, “Il desiderio di darmi tutto a Dio avendo Egli sofferto pei miei peccati.”[3227] Joseph in fact started his philosophy and theology that same year.[3228] While in Rome for his studies this young seminarian thought that, returning to Malta after ordination, he would go to St Joseph’s Orphanage to help other priests with the poor boys of the Institute.[3229] Therefore in his third year theology the Servant of God wrote down the reasons in favour of his going to the Institute and against what Archbishop Pace had offered him, the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”. Even here the sufferings of Jesus for him were presented as one of the main reasons for his preferring St Joseph’s Home, “Infatti allorchè per mezzo del mio rettore, mandaì al Presidente dell’Accademia la negativa, sperimentaì grande consolazione nel pensare di aver scelto la corona di spine con Gesù anzichè quella delle rose.”[3230]

Even before his years in Rome, the Servant of God had shown that the experience of God’s love for him, expressed in the sufferings of Jesus, had been quite vivid in him. It has already been said that Joseph was only 14 when he drew the face of the suffering Jesus.[3231] In one of the reflections made during the study of this drawing of De Piro, it was said that the passion in general, and the thorns around the Lord’s head, caused Jesus a lot of suffering and pain, because of which the Lord could have shouted and screamed a lot. But it was also noted that in his drawing De Piro presented Jesus with his lips closed, or almost closed;[3232] the Lord suffered in silence. Br Joseph Caruana, one of the two youths who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910 in the first House of the Society in Mdina, wrote this about De Piro’s own suffering in silence, “Imagine how many conflicts he had. It was not possible to realise this because he was always smiling. This impressed me most.”[3233] Caruana continued, “Once he came to St Joseph on a Saturday to confess the children. He told me how he had been going up the stairs and found out that there were the children at his back making some funny signs to redicule him. He was very sorry for this and told me, ‘Now I can understand what you suffered when they did the same thing to you.’ ”[3234]

Even in relation to the members of the Society, the Founder suffered in silence. Fr John Vella, the other youth who joined De Piro on 30 June 1910, testified that:

Sometimes when somebody would have done something wrong and not admitted, he used to pay himself for the wrong deed. He used to go to the centre of the refectory, kneel down, keep the plate on the floor and start eating. He did not place the fork and the knife on the plate but on the floor. He used to do this instead of the person who was guilty and did not admit.[3235]

There came a time when Fr John Vella wanted to leave the Society to become a diocesan priest. Malta’s Archbishop sent Vella’s acceptance decree with De Piro himself. Vella testified how the Founder behaved at this hard moment when the very first priest of the Society was leaving the Servant of God, “He approached me, looking downwards, and told me, ‘The Bishop accepts you in the Diocese.’ ‘What are you saying?’ I asked him. This was a lightning in August. He left me alone and went to the chapel, knelt down and remained there praying, with his head in his hands.”[3236]

It has already been said that during the Sette Giugno 1919 events Monsignor was offended at least three times: on Saturday, 7 June 1919, when he put aside all other duties, didicated himself to the mediation between the Maltese and the British government and at the same time he was told by the same Maltese, “You are to blame for all this.”[3237] On Sunday, 8 June, 1919, while trying to stop the mob from countinuing with the attack of Francia House, some criminals, who were among the people, started booing at both Caruana Gatto and De Piro and they even swore and stole money from the pockets of Carauna Gatto and Monsignor.[3238] On Monday, 9 June 1919, while in the company of Bishop Angelo Portelli, De Piro went out of the Archbishop’s Palace in Valletta and tried to calm the people, and some were heard saying, “We want to burn the Curia,”[3239] a place so dear to De Piro! The latter reacted positively to each of the above mentioned offences. Also at the Inquest Commission, De Piro could have reported in detail what had been done and said to him and his companions. But he did not. He gave a detailed account of the events, keeping silent about the offences made to him.[3240]

- Jesus at prayer

The second reflection made about the drawing of the face of the suffering Jesus was that although Jesus’ lips are closed or almost closed, his eyes are wide open; they are looking up; they are communicating … with the One above; Jesus and the Father are one, even at this moment. The eyes are pityful. Jesus is asking pity from his Father. Therefore Jesus is in silence but he is at the same time praying the Father. His is eloquent silence.[3241] In the case of Joseph De Piro prayer was central. In the testimonies given at the Ecclesiastical Tribunal in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, there are recurrent affirmations about Monsignor’s prayerful life.[3242] But then there were some crucial, vital, important, and at times even intense and hard moments when it was De Piro himself who showed quite clearly that for him the solution was communion with God through prayer.

Joseph De Piro had been thinking about his vocation since the age of 14.[3243] When he shared this wish with his father, the latter disapproved.[3244] For some years young De Piro stopped thinking about it,[3245] but at 20 it came to his mind again.[3246] This time he did not abandon his wish. It was not an easy choice to do. Joseph had a very promising life in front of him. He had the drawing and painting talents.[3247] In the Royal Malta Regiment of Militia he could be easily promoted to high ranks.[3248] The law course which he started in 1898 at the University of Malta could have led him to a lawyer’s career.[3249] The fact that he was a member of the De Piro family meant for Joseph his access to the Maltese noble class.[3250] He was also entitled to a lot of property, both mobile and immobile.[3251] His nobility also implied a popularity in the Maltese society[3252] and therefore the possibility of some important role in the civil administration of Malta.[3253] The Servant of God faced this big challenge. He sought the help of prayer by practicing the intensive pros and cons discernment method. Supported by this means he left everything behind him and opted for the priesthood.[3254]

Only some three years after this hard choice, De Piro had to face another challenge. The Archbishop of Malta invited him more than once to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”, after his being ordained priest.[3255] As did the President of the “Accademia”.[3256] Again, there was a very promising career in front of the young seminarian; choosing such a thing could have meant for De Piro important roles in the Church. At the same time Joseph had been thinking about something completely different; he wanted to go and live with other priests at St Joseph’s Institute in Malta.[3257] Communication with God through prayer was again the help for De Piro at this crucial moment of his life. He again made use of the pros and cons discernment exercise and opted for the Orphanage.[3258] Besides the exercise in itself, Joseph himself said that he did this discernment during his spiritual retreat for the diaconate.[3259]

The Servant of God was ordained priest in 1902.[3260] After some more months in Rome, he went to Switzerland for convalescence.[3261] Returning to Malta he stayed for almost three years at Qrendi, again to rest.[3262] In 1907 he was nominated director of Fra Diegu Institute.[3263] In 1922 he was chosen to direct another charitable Institute, Jesus of Nazareth.[3264] Immediately after taking over the direction of this Orphanage, De Piro started the building of a new Home for the girls whose number was always increasing.[3265] But unfortunately Monsignor was immediately obstructed by a big problem; there was no more money with which to pay this project and therefore the work had to stop, at least for some time.[3266] For the Director this was a “… forte stretta al cuore …”[3267] But the Servant of God himself referred also to “… un fisso sguardo in alto …”[3268] This was that which made him look forward.

In 1925 De Piro was chosen as the first director of St Joseph’s, Gozo.[3269] After this nomination, Monsignor went to Gozo to prepare for the opening of the House. On the 25 April, after the siesta, the roof slabs beneath him suddenly gave way and he fell about four meters to the ground floor.[3270] The opening day was transferred from the 8 May to the 21 of the same month.[3271] On that occasion the Director delivered two speeches, one to the Governor General and the other to the Archbishop. In the latter, the Servant of God referred to this incident, but at the same time he presented it as having happened, “… per renderci più perseveranti nel tenere in alto fisso il nostro sguardo ed anche il nostro cuore.”[3272]

Since his first year at the Capranica College, De Piro had been thinking to found a society under the patronage of St Paul.[3273] It was only because his spiritual director had told him to suspend his projectioning that Joseph stopped for that moment.[3274] Although in 1902 the Servant of God was ordained priest, he could not return to Malta, if not for a very short while; he felt sick and instead he had to go to Switzerland to get back his health.[3275] There, he himself said that he thought of his Society, but he felt himself helpless about doing anything about it; he was too far away from the country where he could actuate his dream.[3276] At such a hard moment in his life he only prayed, “Ho continuato intanto durante tutto il tempo della cura a carezzare le mie ormai divenute antiche idee. Ma tra il ghiaccio delle Alpi cosi’ lontano dal paese dove intendevo metterle in effetto non mi restava altro che la preghiera - mia ottima compagna - ed ho pregato, pregato, pregato.”[3277]

After 18 months in Switzerland De Piro returned to Malta[3278] and he immediately started sharing his plans with other priests.[3279] He met very little support; no one of the priests assured him of joining him.[3280] At such a difficult moment De Piro referred to prayer:

18 Novembre (1906): Trovandomi a Roma ed occorrendo oggi la dedicazione delle Basiliche dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo, ho celebrato in San Pietro in Vaticano e proprio sull’altare di S. Pietro. Ho applicato la messa in onore dei S.S. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo pregando loro di farmi conoscere chiaramente la volontà di Dio, ed aiutarmi a metterla in effetto.[3281]

In spite of all the hurdles, Fr Joseph De Piro started the Society on 30 June 1910.[3282] This did not mean in any way that the Founder was then saved from problems and difficulties. In a letter he wrote on 17 November 1916 to Fr Wiliam Bonett, in Australia, the Servant of God himself admitted that, “… tante fatiche e sacrifici… nonostante la piccolezza dell’opera il lavoro è duro e richiede grande pazienza.”[3283] But in this same letter Monsignor mentioned twice the real remedy, “… nella tua messa non ti dimenticare di fare sempre un piccolo memento pel nostro nascente Istituto per le Missioni Estere … Quindi aiutaci colle tue preghiere … ”[3284]

Fr Joseph De Piro started the Society by accepting two youths, one with the priesthood in mind and the other to become a brother catechist.[3285] John Vella was infact ordained priest on 20 September 1919.[3286] Without doubt this was the cause of a lot of joy for the Founder.[3287] But this happiness was not longlasting because Vella, the very first priest of the Society, in 1923,[3288] abandoned De Piro to become diocesan. Vella himself testified that the Founder did only one thing at such a hard moment: the Founder only prayed.[3289]

In 1927 Monsignor was seriously planning to send the first member of his Society abroad. In fact on 5 April 1927 he wrote his first letter to Fr Angelo Mizzi, the Capuchin Friar in charge of the Abyssinia Mission, and promised him one member.[3290] This was obviously a big challenge for De Piro, but he again trusted in the power of prayer, “Ella faccia pregare i piccoli ragazzi Somali … Lo dico per esperienza, da quando ho fatto pregare i piccoli ricoverati negli istituti di beneficenza la piccola opera missionaria ha acquistato maggiore costanza.”[3291]

All along these very difficult moments of the history of the foundation and first years of the Society, the Servant of God was facing another very big problem: Propaganda Fide could not understand what was the real main aim of De Piro’s Congregation.[3292] But during these same years the Founder showed clearly what made him go forward:

But courage, my brothers: My faint-hearted brothers, courage! This is not something which one cannot do, especially when we understand the strength and power we receive through prayer in any difficulty and obstacle. Prayer gives us all we need from God; it opens the great God’s infinite treasures of grace. So we ask these people to pray and courage will not be lacking.[3293]

Referring again to De Piro’s drawing one can rightly conclude that as an effect of his passion, Jesus is obviously very weak. At the same time the Servant of God presents him as seeming to be standing strong and not tired or feeble. The Lord is also presented as holding a stick … and he is holding it straight. His is therefore strong fragility. It was the same thing with Monsignor. It has already been said that De Piro was by nature very weak:[3294] he had throat trouble, he suffered of tuberculosis, he experienced a nervous attack and it was not that infrequent that he was exhausted.[3295] Yet, he kept going till the end with his six ecclesiastical charitable institutes, the Society and the many other responsibilities he had in the Church and in the civil society.[3296] His was strong fragility.

As in the case of Jesus one can say that De Piro was a sign of contradiction. His life was one of suffering, which he experienced many a times in complete silence. Yet in this silence he was communicating with the Father through prayer. Although weak by nature he did big things and did them till the end.

(xii) De Piro’s charity until it hurts: not a need

In his book “L’Essere e il Nulla”, Jean Paul Sartre wrote that in its essence, loving is the project to have oneself loved.[3297] Although this affirmation may be considered as irremediably contradictory, I myself hold that at times we human beings do love because “we have the need” to love… or because “we have the need” to be loved. And there is nothing wrong when this motive of our love is not the first and only reason why we love. In fact human love is not motivated always and only by the need to love and/or be loved ; it can be the effect of causes other than this! De Piro had undoubtedly other motives than the one mentioned by Sartre.

Having recuperated his health in Switzerland,[3298] De Piro returned to Malta in 1904[3299] and continued his convalescence in his Qrendi family house.[3300] At that time there was Fr Emmanuel Vassallo as Director of St Jospeh’s, Malta. [3301] This one knew quite well that De Piro had long wished to live in that Orphanage.[3302] Fr George Bugeja took over from Vassallo in 1905. Even this one knew about Fr Joseph’s wish.[3303] To Vassallo and Bugeja one can add Archbishop Peter Pace. His Excellency knew why De Piro did not accept his offer to go to the “Accademia Ecclesiastica”.[3304] Notwithstanding all this, in 1907 Archbishop Pace, on the advice of Fr George Bugeja,[3305] nominated the Servant of God not to St Joseph’s, but to Fra Diegu Institute.[3306] On our part we know why Fr Joseph wanted to go to St Joseph’s: he wished to live in the company of other priests,[3307] and an internal feeling told him that God from that Institute, wanted to start a Congregation under the patronage of St Paul.[3308] In spite of these reasons De Piro accepted the nomination and became Director of Fra Diegu Institute.

Not only this! The Servant of God founded his Congregation in 1910.[3309] He continued hoping to get the direction of St Joseph’s, Malta. For many years De Piro’s wish to go to St Jospeh’s was not satisfied. Yet, whenever the Founder was asked by Fr Bugeja to send some members of his Society to do supply work at the Orphanage, he always sent them.[3310]

There came the year1922. De Piro’s wish to go to St Joseph’s was still there, but Archbishop Mauro Caruana had another Institute for him, the Jesus of Nazareth one.[3311] Although it was again completely different from what he wished, the Servant of God accepted again and became the Director of this second charitable Institute.

It was only because of the death of Fr George Bugeja, on 23 November 1922, that Archbishop Caruana turned to De Piro and asked him to be the Director of St Jospeh’s.[3312] And the Servant of God accepted this third charitable Home.

In 1925 there came for De Piro the fourth Orphanage, St Jospeh’s, Gozo. In fact on 25 December 1924, Fr Joseph Hili, the parishpriest of Fontana, Gozo, wrote to the Servant of God in the name of all the other parishpriests and offered him the direction of the Gozo Institute, which they were going to set up on their Island.[3313] Had it been a need for the Servant of God to be the director of charitable Institutes, he would have answered Hili immediately. But he did not. Therefore Hili wrote to Monsignor again on 7 January 1925.[3314] This time De Piro answered the letter on the 31 of the same month. But again; because it was not a need in him to be in charge of a charitable institute, he showed the parishpriests that before accepting, he wanted to know things more clearly.[3315] Hili wrote to Monsignor on 3 February 1925, giving him more information.[3316] Still, De Piro did not accept unconditionally. While in the original draft of the Institute’s Statutes, Bishop Michael Gonzi had presented the Orphanage as “… Orfanatrofio Diocesano”,[3317] De Piro continuously showed that he only wanted it to be affiliated to, to be a part of , to be a section or a branch of St Joseph’s, Malta.[3318] Also, the Servant of God wanted to be the authority in charge of the Institute.[3319] Another condition presented by Monsignor was that his Society be allowed to take over the day to day administration of the Orphanage.[3320] To add to the above, the Servant of God did not want to accept the numerus clausus mentioned in the first statutes.[3321] Rather, he wanted to accept all boys who applied to enter the Institute.[3322] De Piro could afford putting conditions to the Gozo Bishop and to the parishpriests exactly because his charity was not first and foremost a need in him.

De Piro’s involvement in the running of the two Institutes, Fra Diegu and Jesus of Nazareth, made him feel in a particular way the responsibility to do something for the girls who reached the age of leaving these same Institutes and had no family - home where to go. On 11 April 1928 he succeeded in opening the Sacred Heart Laboratory.[3323] This place cost the Servant of God begging to government ministries to provide him with an adequate building.[3324] He had to find the money for the renting of the place.[3325] Since he could not stay there himself, he had to find someone to run it. This he did in a certain Maria Assunta Borg.[3326] Not to mention the instructors who could teach the trades and the crafts to the girls! Notwithstanding all these efforts, Monsignor was free enough from the need to keep this place open. When he repeatedly found out that Borg had criteria different from his as to whom to accept at the Laboratory,[3327] and who was in fact the director of the Laboratory, whether himself or Borg,[3328] he publicly declared the place closed.[3329] Had he opened it because it was a need in him to have another charitable institution under his care , he would not have afforded to close it.

When De Piro wrote the Constitutions of his Society, he presented some articles about the administration of the sacrament of reconciliation. In this section, the Founder put down these words, “Memore sempre che il confessore è per le anime e non le anime pel confessore …”[3330]

Monsignor was convinced that the confessor must not use the sacrament to satisfy his own needs; he has to consider the sacrament as a service to the penitents.

When dealing with the missions in the Constitutions of his Society, the Founder again emphasised that the members were not expected to seek the satisfaction of their own needs in what they choose to do. Rather, they had to see first what was asked for by the local bishops.[3331]

It has already been said that according to the Founder, the Brothers of his Society were expected to have the teaching of catechism as their primary work.[3332] One would have expected therefore, that when De Piro sent Br Joseph Caruana to Abyssinia, he sent him there with this specific mandate. Instead, the Founder did not qualify what Caruana was expected to do when in the missions. When presenting Br Joseph to Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., the superior of the Abyssinia mission, the Founder said that, “È un uomo di molto spirito, capace, sa adattarsi molto coi ragazzi e fa anche l’infermiere.”[3333]

The Founder wanted that the members of his Society be ready to help the needs of the people they worked with, whatever they were.

It has been said that Fr Angelo Mizzi OfmCap., continuously asked the Servant of God to send him missionaries.[3334] Mizzi had also assured De Piro that Bishop Jarosseau wanted to offer the Gigiga mission to his Society.[3335] The Founder could have taken these opportunities and sent to Abyssinia as many members as possible in order to persuade Propaganda Fide that his Society was really for the ad gentes people. But the Founder did not want to rush or be overenthusiastic. He continuously kept in mind the needs of his Society, which was still small.

[1] D. Camilleri, The Missionary Society Of St Paul: Background and New Perspectives in the Understanding of ‘Mission’ (Unpublished dissertation), University of Malta, 1992.

M. Cilia, The Missionary Spirituality of Joseph De Piro (Unpublished dissertation), All Hallows Missionary College, Ireland, 2001.

T. Sciberras, Mgr Joseph De Piro: A Life of Chastity, Poverty and Obedience (Unpublished dissertation), Gregorian University, Rome, 1981.

M. Zammit Satariano, The Handling of Pauline Texts by the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro (Unpublished dissertation), University of Malta, 1993.

[2] Cf De Piro Archives (Dpa), Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 1.

[3] Cf ibid.

[4] Cf Dpa, Il-familja tieghu, p. 1.

[5] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 1.

[6] Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[7] The Servant of God has been very methodic in his filing of the documents. Also, the Society has felt it was its responsibility to preserve as much as possible all that had been left by the Founder. Because of this, in the Archives of the Society one can still find precious material written by Monsignor himself. But added to this one can still find also as much precious information about De Piro coming from people who knew him de visu or de auditu a videntibus.

By “witnesses” is meant people who knew De Piro de visu or de auditu a videntibus. During the 1960s and early 1970s one of the members of the Missionary Society of St Paul, then Br Aloisius Aloisio, felt it his responsibility to gather together as much information as possible regarding the Founder. The testimonies he gathered are called “The Aloisio Collection”. In the 1982 General and Special Chapter of the Missionary Society of St Paul the members present unanimously agreed that they should ask the Archbishop of Malta to start the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Founder, Mgr Joseph De Piro. Fr James Bonello, the Superior General elected in that same Chapter, sent the petition to Archbishop Joseph Mercieca on 14 November 1984. Since many of the witnesses who could give information about Monsignor were already advanced in age, the then postulator, Fr Tony Sciberras mssp, asked the Archbishop to set up a tribunal and hear the witnesses ne pereant. This was done and the witnesses gave their testimonies between 9 January 1987 and 27 November of the same year. These testimonies are known as “The 1987 Testimonies”. When the gathering of these testimonies was finished, the Tribunal held its first official session or the opening of the Diocesan Process on 7 October 1988. Since that date the Tribunal started hearing the witnesses again and continued doing this until 15 May 1992. These sessions are referred to as “The 1988-1992 Testimonies”. On 29 September 1990 another Tribunal was set up, this time in the Island of Gozo, in order to hear the witnesses who came from that Diocese. The sessions of this Tribunal were held between 10 September 1990 and 9 January 1991. The testimonies collected are known as “The Gozo Testimonies”.

[8] Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro (Dp), The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1121. Cf also ibid, pp. 960, 1049-1050, 1109.

[9] Cf The Malta Lyceum (Hamrun) (ML), The Lyceum Admission Book , 1881-1899, pp. 47, 53, 57.

[10] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010.

[11] Cf ibid, p. 1121. Cf also Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[12] Cf ML, The Lyceum Admission Book, 1881-1899, pp. 47, 53, 57.

[13] Cf Dpa, Lyceum.

[14] Fr Stanley Tomlin mssp, ex-Superior General of the Missionary Society of St Paul asked Fr Alexander Bonnici, OfmConv., a historian, to write the Life of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro. Bonnici accepted and immediately started collecting as much material as possible for the compilation of this Life. Amongst others, on 21 December 1979 he wrote to the Registrar of the University of Malta asking to be provided with all the information available at the University Archives about De Piro. The Registrar answered on 18 February 1980. Bonnici was given the lists of subjects De Piro studied at the University during the years 1894-1895, 1895-1896 and 1896-1897 at the Faculty of Arts and Sciences. The Registrar also added that although De Piro’s name did not appear in the list of results in later years the fact that he chose Latin and Political Economy, indicated quite clearly that young Joseph had undoubtedly been enrolled in the Law Faculty.

[15] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-3l.

[16] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, p. 18.

[17] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, p. 3j.

[18] Cf ibid.

[19] Cf ibid.

[20] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 1.

[21] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. II, Malta 1968, p. 70.

[22] Cf ibid.

[23] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 2.

[24] A. Ferris, Storia Ecclesiastica di Malta, Malta 1866, p. 217.

[25] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. II, p. 70.

[26] Cf ibid.

[27] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi zaghzugh; Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Cf also Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 2-3.

[28] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 1.

[29] Cf The collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s Rabat, Malta (Cf Dpa, Sketches).

[30] Ibid.

[31] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 1.

[32] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[33] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[34] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[35] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 21.

[36] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133. Cf also ibid, p. 1122.

[37] Cf ibid, p. 1133. Cf also Ibid, p. 1122.

[38] Cf ibid.

[39] Cf ibid, pp. 1012, 1041,1064, 1085, 1087, 1133.

[40] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. 1, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 14.

[41] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1.

[42] Ibid, p. 2.

[43] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 24.

[44] Cf ibid.

[45] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 1.

[46] Cf ibid.

[47] Ibid, p. 2.

[48] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, Cf also ibid, vol. II.

[49] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 1-2.

[50] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[51] Cf ibid.

[52] Cf ibid

[53] Cf ibid, pp. 5-7.

[54] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4a

[55] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 5. Cf also ibid, p. 11.

[56] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[57] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[58] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[59] Cf ibid, p. 4c.

[60] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 11. Cf also ibid, p. 64.

[61] Cf Student MSSP, Mons. De Piro, Malta 1948, p. 6.

[62] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 25.

[63] Dpa, Capranica, p. 4d.

[64] Ibid, p. 4f.

[65] Ibid, p. 4j.

[66] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 24

[67] Ibid, p. 29.

[68] Cf Archiepiscopal Archives, Malta (AAM), Catalogus Ordinationum, 1889-1902, p. 128.

[69] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b. Cf also Dpa, Suddjakonat, Djakonat, Presbiterat, pp. 1-7.

[70] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 4.

[71] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[72] Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[73] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[74] Cf ibid, p. 3

[75] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[76]Ibid, p. 1.

[77] Ibid, p. 2.

[78] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[79] Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[80] Ibid, p. 3.

[81] Ibid.

[82] Ibid.

[83] Cf pp. 15-16 of this thesis.

[84] Ibid.

[85] Cf Dpa, Capranica, p. 4b.

[86] Ibid.

[87] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 5.

[88] Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[89] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. II, Ittri mill-familjari, p. 96.

[90] Ibid, p. 97.

[91] Cf ibid.

[92] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[93] Cf ibid.

[94] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 48, 52-53, 55-56, 271.

[95] Cf ibid, pp. 48, 52-53, 55.

[96] Cf ibid, p. 48.

[97] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 997.

[98] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[99] Cf ibid, pp. 49, 55-56.

[100] The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[101] Ibid.

[102] The 1987 Testimonies, p. 53.

[103] Ibid, p. 56.

[104] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 7.

[105] Cf ibid.

[106] Cf ibid.

[107] This information was given me by Fr Goerge Aquilina Ofm, historian of the Maltese Frnaciscan Monors Province, today, 14 August 2004.

[108] Cf Dpa, Sindku Apostoliku Ofm - Rabat – Rabat, pp. 1f. Cf also Dpa,: Appuntamenti Varji, pp. 3-6.

[109] Much of the material in this section has been taken from Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 89-95.

[110] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2.

[111] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[112] Cf ibid.

[113] Cf ibid.

[114] Cf ibid.

[115] Dpa, Dekan, p. 3.

[116] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[117] Ibid.

[118] Cf ibid.

[119] Dpa, Dekan, p. 4.

[120] Dpa, ibid, p. 5.

[121] Cf A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv.

[122] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 2.

[123] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[124] Cf ibid, pp. 4-5.

[125] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 10.

[126] Cf ibid, p. 20.

[127] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[128] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. I, Malta 1967, p. 86.

[129] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 38.

[130] L. Farrugia, Ricordo del XXIV Congresso Eucaristico Internazionale Celebrato nel’Isola di Malta dai 22 al 27 Aprile 1913, pp. 9-10.

[131] Cf ibid, pp. 10-14.

[132] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[133] Cf J. Bonnici and M. Cassar, Tifkira tal-Kungress Ewkaristiku Internazzjoni: Malta 1913, Malta 1988, p. 40.

[134] Cf Dpa, Kungress Ewkaristiku 1913, p. 1.

[135] Cf ibid.

[136] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[137] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 12.

[138] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[139] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[140] Cf ibid.

[141] Cf Rabat Parish Archives (RPA), Congresso Eucharistico Parrocchiale, p. 1.

[142] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 16.

[143] Cf AAM, Correspondence, Caruana, 1915- 1918.

[144] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 26, 39, 44-45, 61-66.

[145] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[146] Cf pp. 260-262 of this thesis.

[147] Cf pp. 31-32 of this thesis.

[148] Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, pp. 19-20.

[149] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[150] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 1.

[151] Ibid, p. 4.

[152] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1000-1001

[153] Ibid, p. 1001.

[154] Ibid, p. 1002.

[155] Ibid, p. 1002.

[156] Ibid, p. 999.

[157] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20.

[158] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 29.

[159] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, Malta 1975, p. 38.

[160] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 85-87.

[161] Cf pp. 25-29 of this thesis.

[162] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 25.

[163] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. I, p. 86.

[164] Cf p. 29 of this thesis.

[165] Cf p. 43 of this thesis.

[166] Cf Dpa, Gudja, p. 10.

[167] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[168] For more details, cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 298-300.

[169] Cf Dpa, Gudja, pp. 1-9.

[170] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[171] Ibid, p. 11.

[172] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, pp. 284-285.

[173] Cf ibid, pp. 286-287.

[174] Cf AAM, Civil Acts, 1918-1919, n. 43.

[175] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 10.

[176] Cf ibid, p. 8. Cf also J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, p. 222.

[177] Cf Paolo Cagliari, Amiamo L’Amore, Gozo 1987, p. 107.

[178] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 2.

[179] Ibid, p. 3.

[180] Cf Franciscan Sisters of the Heart of Jesus (AFSHJ), Minutes, General Chapter, 1917.

[181] Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesu – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 5.

[182] Ibid.

[183] Ibid, p. 7.

[184] Ibid, p. 8.

[185] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 211.

[186] Cf ibid, p. 214.

[187] Cf ibid, 1930, pp. 272-274.

[188] Cf ibid, 1932, pp. 379-380.

[189] Cf pp. 53-53 of this thesis.

[190] Cf pp. 99-103 of this thesis.

[191] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ L-Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, pp. 21f. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 200, 913.

[192] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[193] Cf ibid.

[194] Cf ibid, 1924-1925, n.71, M. Guzeppina Curmi – Caruana, 28 December 1924.

[195] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68 iii.

[196] Cf ibid, p. 68 viii- 68 ix.

[197] Cf ibid, pp. 68 xi - 68 xiii. Cf also p. 68 xxviii.

[198] Cf ibid, pp. 68 xxix – xxxi.

[199] Dpa, Kumitat specjali ta’ konsultazzjoni dwar ir-restawr tal-Knisja ta’ San Pawl – Rabat, p. 1.

[200] Cf ibid.

[201] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[202] Cf ibid.

[203] Cf p. 15 of this thesis.

[204] Cf ibid.

[205] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[206] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols. Cf also the Section “De Piro’s evangelisation in Malta: the preached evangelisation (pp. 214 -229 of this thesis) where there is an exhaustitve analysis of the preaching of the Servant of God.

[207] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[208] Cf Appendix 1 (pp. 521-525 of this thesis).

[209] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 28.

[210] Cf ibid.

[211] Cf ibid.

[212] Cf Malta Government (MG), L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, pp. 5-6.

[213] Cf ibid, p. 6. Cf also Joseph M. Pirotta, L-Istorja Kostituzzjonali u l-Isfond Storiku (1800-1942), Malta 2005, p. 117.

[214] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[215] Cf ibid.

[216] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[217] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[218] Cf ibid, p. 35. Cf also Joseph M. Pirotta, L-Istorja Kostituzzjonali u l-Isfond Storiku (1800-1942), p. 122.

[219] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 110. In the first meeting of the Commission, the Servant of God did not seem to have been present (Cf ibid, p. 109).

[220] Cf ibid, pp. 109-110.

[221] Cf ibid, p. 37.

[222] Cf ibid, p. 109.

[223] Cf ibid.

[224] Cf ibid, pp. 19-106, 110-227.

[225] Cf eg., Dpa, Dekan, pp. 133-138.

[226] Cf ibid.

[227] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 191-192.

[228] Cf p. 44 of this thesis.

[229] Cf MG, Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7and 8June . . 1919, and into the circumstances whch led up to these Events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta 1919, p. 6.

[230] Cf PAR, Reports, B. 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W11.

[231] Cf ibid, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commission of Enquiry into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919, and into the circumstances whch led to them. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4 (21 August 1919) and Sitting 6 (26 August 1919).

[232] Giubileo Sacerdotale. In Malta (19 April 1927), p. 2.

[233] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, Malta 1979, p. 189.

[234] Cf ibid.

[235] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno, Malta 1930. Cf also R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, Malta 1994, p. 114.

[236] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[237] Ibid, one of the photoes after p. 108.

[238] Cf R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, p. 114.

[239] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 297.

[240] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[241] Cf A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 190-191.

[242] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921.

[243] Cf Letters Patent providing for the constitution of Responsible Government in Malta. Cf also H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. 1, Malta 1974, p. 241.

[244] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta: 1849-1992; Storja, Fatti, Cifri, Malta 1992, p. 62.

[245] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. 1, p. 252.

[246] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 30.

[247] Cf ibid, p. 31.

[248] Cf pp. 75-89 of this thesis.

[249] Cf ibid.

[250] Cf The Daily Malta Chronicle, 24 December 1920, p. 1.

[251] Cf K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. II, Malta 1996, p. 127.

[252] Cf ibid, p. 124.

[253] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiologic,. 1919-1920, Year IV, p. 138. Cf also E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, Malta 1991, p. 149.

[254] Cf K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. II, p. 127.

[255] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 148.

[256] Cf ibid.

[257] Cf ibid, pp. 148-156.

[258] La Diocesi di Malta, Statuto, in La Diocesi di Malta: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiologico, 1919-1920, Year IV, pp. 140-141.

[259] Charles Plater, Home Rule for Malta, in Daily Malta Chronicle (28 January 1921), p. 3.

[260] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 151.

[261] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico, 1919-1920, year IV, p. 142.

[262] Cf Dpa, Unione Leoniana, p. 2.

[263] Cf ibid.

[264] E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta: 1891-1921, p. 155.

[265] Cf ibid.

[266] Cf Dpa, Appunatamenti Varji, p. 37.

[267] Cf ibid, p. 39.

[268] Cf ibid.

[269] Cf ibid, pp. 40a- 41.

[270] Cf Dpa, Sptar Zammit Clapp, p. 1.

[271] Cf ibid, pp. 1ff.

[272] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[273] Cf ibid, p. 18

[274] Cf J. Calleja, Ugo P Mifsud, Malta 1997, p. 105.

[275] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 43.

[276] Cf ibid, p. 44

[277] Cf especially ibid, p. 45. Cf Also ibid, pp. 47- 56.

[278] Ibid.

[279] The Editor, Monsignor De Piro: A Tribute to his memory, in The Malta Chronicle (23 September 1933), p. 2.

[280] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 969, 994, 1006, 1036-1037, 1056, 1068-1069, 1077, 1079, 1084, 1092, 1100, 1104, 1117, 1122.

[281] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta, 1849-1992: Storja, Fatti, Cifri, p. 134.

[282] The Editor, Monsignor De Piro: A Tribute to his Memory, in The Malta Chronicle (19 September 1933), p. 4.

[283] Cf graph?

[284] Cf especially Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3^rd Parliament, 21 February 1933, pp. 495-496.

[285] Cf pp. 17-19 of this thesis.

[286] Cf p. 17 of this thesis.

[287] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[288] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 976.

[289] Cf Xand Cortis, Fra Diegu Bonanno Ofm. An unpublished manuscript found in the De Piro Archives (Cf DPA, Fra Diegu).

[290] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 2-10.

[291] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 974-975.

[292] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[293] Cf ibid.

[294] La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico di Malta, 7 November 1916, n. 7, p. 212.

[295] Cf ibid.

[296] Cf ibid.

[297] Cf ibid, p. 213.

[298] Cf ibid. Here it is interesting to say that among those who heard the appeal of the Archbishop there was the Governor General. He offered £100. 00. 0 and sent His Excellency a very nice letter of appreciation for the Archbishop’s action (Cf ibid, 7 January 1917, n. 8, pp. 245-246).

[299] Cf ibid, from 7 January 1917 up to 1919-1920, nos. 1-2 (Anno IV).

[300] Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu - Isititu San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68e.

[301] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja fil-qosor tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundaturici ta’ L-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 35-40.

[302] Cf ibid, p. 67-68.

[303] Cf ibid.

[304] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[305] Cf ibid, p. 22.

[306] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, p. 9a.

[307] Cf pp. 17-19 of this thesis.

[308] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 5.

[309] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[310] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 19-22.

[311] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-kronaka tal-Kumpanija. An unpublished manuscript, p. 57.

[312] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: a boys’ haven in Gozo, Gozo 1987, pp. 10-11

[313] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[314] Cf ibid, pp. 11-13.

[315] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[316] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 2, 3-7.

[317] Cf ibid, pp. 3-7.

[318] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[319] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[320] Cf ibid, p. 9c.

[321] Cf ibid.

[322] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[323] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[324] Cf ibid, pp. 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39-40, 41-42, 43-44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54.

[325] Cf ibid , p. 15.

[326] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[327] Cf J. De Piro, Introduction, in The Glories of the Patriarch, St Joseph, Malta 1928, p. 3.

[328] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 8-9.

[329] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 318.

[330] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, art. 2.

[331] Cf ibid, articles eight and nine.

[332] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 10.

[333] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4, 13.

[334] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[335] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4.

[336] Cf ibid.

[337] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[338] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[339] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[340] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[341] Cf pp. 183- 186 of this thesis.

[342] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 5-6, 7-9.

[343] Cf ibid, pp. 20-21, n. 5.

[344] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara, p. 494.

[345] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 10.

[346] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[347] Cf ibid, p. 26, nos. 2-3.

[348] Cf ibid, p. 26, n. 4.

[349] Cf ibid, p. 26, nos. 5-6.

[350] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[351] Ibid.

[352] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[353] Cf ibid, pp. 30, 32.

[354] Cf ibid, p. 32. Cf also ibid, p. 33.

[355] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38

[356] Cf ibid, pp. 29; 30; p. 35 nos. c2, c3; p. 36, n. c2; p. 37, n. 4; p. 38.

[357] Cf ibid, p. 36.

[358] Cf ibid, p. 36, nos. 1, 3, 4.

[359] Cf ibid, p. 41, n. 2.

[360] For a more elaborate presentation of this, cf pp. 183-186 of this thesis.

[361] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, eg., pp. 30, 32, 36.

[362] Cf ibid, pp. 87-88.

[363] Cf ibid.

[364] Cf ibid, pp. 41-42, 47, 52, 59-60, 63, 68.

[365] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 250.

[366] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 44.

[367] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 12.

[368] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[369] Cf ibid.

[370] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 250-251.

[371] Cf Personal files, n. 2.

[372] For a more extensive presentation of this reality in De Piro’s life refer to pp. 190-194 of this thesis.

[373] For a much more extensive presentation of this reality in De Piro’s life refer to pp. 197-199 of this thesis.

[374] Cf pp. 17-20 of this thesis.

[375] Cf ibid.

[376] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[377] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[378] Cf ibid.

[379] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[380] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[381] Cf ibid.

[382] Cf ibid, pp. 4-5.

[383] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[384] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[385] Cf ibid.

[386] Cf ibid.

[387] Ibid, p. 6.

[388] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[389] Cf ibid.

[390] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[391] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[392] Cf ibid.

[393] Ibid.

[394] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[395] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[396] Cf ibid.

[397] Cf ibid.

[398] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[399] Cf ibid.

[400] Cf ibid, pp. 9-11.

[401] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[402] Cf ibid.

[403] Cf ibid.

[404] Cf ibid.

[405] Cf ibid.

[406] Cf ibid.

[407] Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 6.

[408] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[409] Cf ibid.

[410] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 5. Cf also Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[411] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 5.

[412] Cf p. 62 of this thesis.

[413] Cf below.

[414] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 7.

[415] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[416] Cf ibid, pp. 11, 13.

[417] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 83. Cf also ibid, p. 17.

[418] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 159.

[419] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 22a.

[420] Cf below.

[421] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p. 29.

[422] Cf ibid, p. 42. Cf also Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. I, Malta 1982, pp. 266-273.

[423] Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[424] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 83-85.

[425] Cf ibid.

[426] Cf ibid, p. 81.

[427] Cf ibid, pp. 87, 89, 95, 116-117, 118, 131.

[428] Cf ibid, pp. 91, 103-104, 110, 111-112, 124-125, 130.

[429] Cf ibid, p. 105, 120, 123.

[430] Cf ibid, p. 120.

[431] Cf ibid, p. 126.

[432] Cf above.

[433] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227. Cf also Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1-7.

[434] Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110.

[435] Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 75.

[436] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, pp. 143-144; 1927, pp. 183-184; 1929, pp. 240-242; 1930, pp. 256-258.

[437] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, p. 136, 151-152, 153; 1927, pp. 164-166, 183-184; 1928, pp. 191, 203-209, 441; 1929, p. 250; 1930, pp. 256-258; 1931, p. 303.

[438] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[438] Ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[439] Cf p. 234 of this thesis.

[440] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesatimonies, p. 1068.

[441] Cf DPA, Mewt, Funaral, Trasport tal-fdalijiet, p. i. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1004-1005, 1027-1029, 1054-1055. Cf also ibid, pp. 988, 1003, 1061, 1067, 1037, 1072, 1088, 1090, 1097.

[442] Cf pp. 535 - 536.

[443] Note the three dimensions of evangelisation as presented by John Paul II in his Encyclical Redemptoris Missio (Cf AAS 83 [1991] pp. 249-340), n. 33.

[444]Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 997.

[445] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, 3 vol.s.

[446] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, pp. 2-8.

[447] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 214; 1932, p. 380.

[448] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 14.

[449] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 4.

[450] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 1ff.

[451] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 12.

[452] Cf Ibid, p. 27.

[453] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 4.

[454] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 39, 44-45, 61-66.

[455] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 5ff .

[456] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 febbraio 1919 – 27 maggio 1921, Malta 1923, p. 9.

[457] Cf Palace Archives Valletta. Reports, B. 15/18, n 4. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commission of Enquiry into the Events of the 7 th and 8 th June 1919 and the Circumstances which led up to them, report of Evidence. Cf also p. 205 of this thesis.

[458] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù – Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, p. 10.

[459] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 28.

[460] Cf Dpa, Dame di Carità, pp. 1ff.

[461] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922-1933.

[462] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 37.

[463] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[464] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 19-20.

[465] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 82.

[466] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 35-38.

[467] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja (1927-1975), 4 vols.

[468] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. I: Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8. Cf also vol. III: Ohrajn lil Mons. De Piro, pp. 11, 17. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929, pp. 236-237; 1930, p. 274; 1931, pp. 323, 338; 1932, pp. 371-372; 1933, p. 438. The Laboratory was later transferred to St Agatha’s, the Motherhouse of De Piro’s Society, in Rabat, Malta. When there, it was known as Saint Agatha Laboratory (Cf Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 [Korrispondnza], vol. IV: Mixxellanea, p. 5).

[469] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet.

[470] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 244.

[471] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3^rd Parliament, 18 November 1932, p. 170.

[472] Cf ibid, 21 February 1933, pp. 495-498.

[473] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 168a-b.

[474] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[475] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the Time of the Founder, pp. 25, 125.

[476] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 13.

[477] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[478] Cf Central office of Statistics, Malta (COSM), 1957 Census Silhouette, p. 1. M. Vassallo, From Lordship to Stewardship: Religion and Social Change in Malta, The Hague 1979, p. 30. V. Mallia Milanes, The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, Malta 1988, pp. 93-99, 105, 131, 152, 166.

[479] Cf W. Senior Nassau, Conversations and Journals in Egypt and Malta, London 1882, ii, p. 29.

[480] Cf C. Cassar: Everyday Life in Malta, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, p. 64.

[481] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, Melbourne 1954, p. 15.

[482] Ibid.

[483] Ibid.

[484] Ibid.

[485] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, Malta 1991, p. 43.

[486] Cf ibid. pp. 43-44.

[487] Report of the Royal Commission (RRC), par. 74.

[488] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 44.

[489] Cf ibid.

[490] Is-Sengha.

[491] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, p. 29.

[492] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, Malta 1985, p. 74.

[493] G. P. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, Malta 1838, p. 75.

[494] Cf D. Miege, Histoire de Malte, Paris 1840, i, p. 168.

[495] Cf S. Busuttil, Malta’s Economy in the Nineteenth Century, in The British Colonial Experience 1800 - 1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 93.

[496] 30 January, 1896, pp. 4-5.

[497] Cf House of Commons, Acts, 25 July 1899.

[498] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, pp. 45-46.

[499] Cf ibid.

[500] Cf Imsejkna Malta, in Is-Salib, 8 May 1909, p. 2.

[501] Cf RRC of 1912, p. 166.

[502] Cf ibid, par. 25.

[503] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, pp. 71-73.

[504] Cf T. Mac Gill, A Handbook or Guide for Strangers Visiting Malta, Malta 1939, pp. 34-35.

[505] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 87.

[506] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 101.

[507] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 131.

[508] Cf J. Davy, Notes and Observations on the Ionian Islands and Malta, London 1842, vol. I, p. 431.

[509] T. Mac Gill, A Handbook or Guide for Strangers Visiting Malta, pp. 34-35.

[510] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[511] Cf G. F. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, p. 300.

J. Davy: Notes and Observations on the Ionian Islands and Malta, vol. I, p. 435.

[512] Cf G.F. Angas, A Ramble in Malta and Sicily, London 1842, pp. 38, 70.

[513] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 76.

C.A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[514] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. I, Malta 1974, pp. 22-23.

[515] Cf J Micallef, L-Istorja ta’ Hal Safi, Malta 1980, p. 66.

[516] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 105.

[517] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[518] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 76.

[519] Cf H. Frendo, Birth Pangs of a Nation: Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921), Malta 1972, p. 42.

[520] Cf Government Census 1891. Cf also H. Frendo, Birth Pangs of a Nation: Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921), p. 30.

[521] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 75.

C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964”, ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[522] G. F. Badger, Description of Malta and Gozo, Malta 1838, p. 97.

G. F. Angas, A Ramble in Malta and Sicily, p. 36.

[523] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964”, ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 103.

[524] Cf p. 81 of this thesis.

[525] Cf H. Ganado, Rajt Malta Tinbidel, vol. iv, p. 319.

[526] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and The Maltese, p. 30.

[527] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 103.

[528] J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 81.

[529] Cf ibid.

[530] Cf ibid.

[531] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. In “The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964” Ed., V. Mallia Milanes, p. 107.

[532] Cf AR. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III , Malta 1975, p. 158.

[533] Ibid.

[534] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 106.

[535] Cf ibid.

[536] Cf ibid.

[537] *This includes 109 males and 117 females, British and other foreigners.

[538] *This includes 132 males and 130 females, British and other foreigners.

Cf Census of the Maltese Islands. 1903. Table XLV.

[539] Cf D. Fenech, A Social and Economic Review of Malta during the First World War 1914-1918. Unpublshed BA., dissertation, University of Malta 1973, p. 176.

[540] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 107.

[541] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 159.

[542] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964. edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[543] Cf H. Frendo, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, Malta 1979, p. 9.

[544] Cf R. Grima, Malta and the Crimean War, Unpublished BA dissertation, University of Malta 1979, p. 120.

[545] Cf ibid.

[546] Cf C. Cassar, Everyday Life in Malta in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by V. Mallia Milanes, p. 104.

[547] Cf Royal Commissioners, Report; Government Charities, Parliamentary Papers, London, 1838 – XXIX – 141, 55.

[548] Cf R. Grima, Malta and the Crimean War (1854-1856), p. 120.

[549] Cf H. Frendo, Party Politics in a Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, p. 9.

[550] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 48.

[551] Archives of the Archbishop of Malta (A.A.M.), Peter Pace, vol.VI (Pastoral Letters. February 1909) nos. 5, 6.

[552] Ibid, vol. III no. 22, 31, 1, January 1910.

[553] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 73.

[554] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 48.

[555] Cf ibid.

[556] This information was acquired from the 1937 “Blue Book” and from the Archives of the respective institutes. At the time of De Piro, St Joseph, Malta, contained 134 boys, St Joseph, Gozo, 23, and the House for the infants at Sta Venera, 25 (cf J. De Piro, Introduction, in The Greatness of the Most Glorious Patriarch St Joseph, Malta 1928, p. 3). After the death of Monsignor, the Archbishop of Malta nominated Mgr Enrico Bonnici as Superior Delegate of the Society of St Paul and as director of the Institutes run by De Piro. Bonnici remained director until 1 February 1934. On 23 October 1933 Bonnici published a pamphlet about the life of the Servant of God. Amongst other things he said that at the death of De Piro there were these orphans in these Institutes: Jesus of Nazareth – 100 girls; St Francis de Paul – 22 girls (Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933).

Reference can also be made to the Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933. This gives information related to the various aspects of the Church in Malta, as in 1932, a year before the death of De Piro. It gives this information related to the charitable institutes: Fra Diegu – 132 girls; Jesus of Nazareth – 84 girls; St Joseph’s, Malta – 137 boys; the House for the infants at Sta Venera – 60.

[557] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta 1891-1921, p. 49.

[558] Ibid.

[559] Daily Malta Chronicle, 7 January 1902, p. 3; “Il-Protesta”, in Is-Salib, 10 January 1902, p. 1.

[560] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 28.

[561] In the case of the Institutes of Fra Diegu, Jesus of Nazareth, St Joseph’s, Malta, and St Joseph’s, Gozo, it was possible for me, the Vice Postulator of the Cause of Canonisation of Joseph De Piro, to meet some persons who could give very relevant information about the Servant of God and his ministry in these Orphanages. This information has been so clear in itself that there was no need to elaborate on it. In fact at times I thought it was enough to classify the testimonies under headings and present them as they were given. Notes are added in order to have clearer declarations. With the testimonies there are also several documents, many a times written by De Piro himself.

[562] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-Iskola, mid-direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13.

[563] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tetimonies, p. 975.

[564] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[565] Ibid, p. 13.

[566] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.

[567] Cf ibid, pp. 1025, 1044.

[568] Cf ibid.

[569] Cf ibid, pp. 1005, 1023, 1058.

[570] Cf ibid, pp. 1005, 1059.

[571] Ibid, p. 1055.

[572] Ibid, pp. 1057-1058.

[573] Ibid, pp. 1055-1056.

[574] Ibid, p. 1003.

[575] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[576] Cf ibid.

[577] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1046.

[578] Ibid, p. 1056.

[579] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[580] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[581] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[582] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[583] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[584] Cf ibid.

[585] Cf ibid. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[586] Cf Dp, The 1887 Testimonies, p. 5. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[587] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1044, 1056.

[588] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[589] Cf Dp, The 1887 Testimonies, p. 6.

[590] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[591] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 9.

[592] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[593] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 34.

[594] Ibid, pp. 78-79. Cf also pp. 80-81.

[595] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 7-8.

[596] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[597] Cf p. 52 of this thesis.

[598] Cf Maltese Biographies of the Twentieth Century, edited by M. Schiavone - L. Scerri, , Malta 1997, pp. 285-286.

[599] Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30.

[600] Ibid, pp. 36-37.

[601] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja fil-Qosor tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, p. 9. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 200.

[602] Cf Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 9-15. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-200.

[603] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 21 f. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 200, 913.

[604] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi: Fundatrici ta’ l-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, pp. 23f.

[605] Cf ibid, p. 38.

[606] Cf ibid, p. 40.

[607] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[608] Cf ibid, p. 37.

[609] Cf ibid, p. 27.

[610] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 201.

[611] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[612] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 201.

[613] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, n. 47.

[614] Cf ibid.

[615] Dpa, Isititut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67-68.

[616] Ibid, pp. 65-66.

[617] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, art. 9.

[618] Ibid.

[619] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[620] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 202.

[621] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 32. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 913, 919.

[622] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 27, 28, 29, 30.

[623] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 914-915, 919, 920, 925, 927, 928, 929.

[624] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 27.

[625] Ibid, p. 29. Cf also p. 30.

[626] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 914-915. Cf also p. 925.

[627] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 30.

[628] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 920.

[629] Cf ibid, p. 209.

[630] Ibid.

[631] Ibid, p. 207.

[632] Ibid, p. 224.

[633] Ibid, p. 224.

[634] Ibid, p. 922.

[635] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[636] Ibid.

[637] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 926.

[638] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[639] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[640] Cf ibid.

[641] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[642] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[643] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[644] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 921.

[645] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[646] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[647] Ibid, p. 927.

[648] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[649] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 926.

[650] Ibid, p. 202.

[651] Ibid, p. 1078.

[652] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 22.

[653] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[654] Ibid, p. 211.

[655] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 29.

[656] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 931.

[657] Cf Reflections after table 5 (p.87) which presents the list of institutes. Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp [Malta]. Prize day speech for years 1928-1929, p. 46e).

Mgr F. Bonnici had set up what was known in Malta as “The small mission”. This was made up of priests who went around the Maltese parishes in order to gather the children and teach them the christian doctrine. Bonnici was also chosen as the secretary to Bishop Anton Buhagiar. Since he was busy with “The Small Mission” he could notice the poverty in which many children lived in Malta. Also, he knew that at that time there was no institution which catered for these boys. But he himself was a poor priest and his family was not rich, either. Being near to the Bishop, His Excellency knew well Bonnici’s wishes and he helped him achieve them. Once he gave him a sum of money and told him, “Have this. Go and open that house for the boys.” (Cf Mons. Frangisk Bonnici, in Almanakk ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1996, pp. 38-39)

[658] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, p. 201.

[659] Cf ibid, p. 202.

[660] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[661] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[662] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-Iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[663] Cf ibid.

[664] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 202-203.

[665] Ibid, pp. 92-94.

[666] Ibid, p. 94.

[667] Cf p. 20 of this thesis

[668] Cf ibid.

[669] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[670] Cf Al. Bonnici, Dun George Bugeja, in Almanakk tal-Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1997, p. 14.

[671] Ibid, pp. 14f.

[672] Cf pp. 51- 52 of this thesis.

[673] Cf pp. 22- 24 of this thesis.

[674] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[675] Cf ibid.

[676] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[677] Cf Al. Bonnici, Dun George Bugeja, in Almanakk tal-Istitut ta’ San Guzepp, Malta 1997, p. 17.

[678] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 69.

[679] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[680] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[681] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[682] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 69. Cf also previous page.

[683] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nalson, Malta 1988, pp. 210-212.

[684] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 794.

[685] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 19.

[686] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[687] Ibid, p. 805.

[688] Ibid, p. 780.

[689] Ibid, p. 474.

[690] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 283.

[691] Cf J. De Piro, Akrau dakxein, in Il Cobor tal Gloriosissimu Patriarca S. Guzepp, Malta 1928, p.3.

[692] Ibid, p. 12.

[693] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 444.

[694] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 31, 274. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 482, 745,751, 778, 780,795.

[695] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 799.

[696] This can be proved also from De Piro’s mass registers. The Servant of God divided each page in five columns: the date, the number of the particular intention, the name of the intention, the place where he celebrated the mass and the number of the mass. In the case of the place where he celebrated the mass one can meet the initials C. S. G. meaning Casa San Giuseppe.

[697]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114.

[698] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 457.

[699] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114.

[700] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 455.

[701] Ibid, p. 781.

[702] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 120.

[703] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 449.

[704] Ibid, p. 456.

[705] Ibid, p. 462.

[706]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[707] Ibid, p. 283.

[708] Ibid, p. 120.

[709] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 449.

[710] Ibid, p. 462.

[711] Ibid, p. 481.

[712] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[713] Ibid, p. 283.

[714] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 782.

[715] Ibid, p. 993.

[716] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[717] Ibid, p. 283.

[718] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[719] Ibid, p. 479.

[720] P. 3.

[721] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[722] According to Nazzareno Attard this was said for those benefactors who were dying at the moment (cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466).

[723] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[724] Cf ibid.

[725] Ibid, p. 115.

[726] Mgr Preca was the Founder of the Maltese lay Catechetical Society, MUSEUM. He was beatified on 9 May 2001 by Pope John Paul II, here in Malta.

[727] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[728] Ibid, p. 466.

[729] The question made to Attard by the Ecclesiastical Tribunal.

[730] Because Attard was physically handicapped.

[731] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[732] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119.

[733] Ibid, p. 119.

[734] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[735] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[736] Ibid, pp. 282-283.

[737] Ibid, p. 14.

[738] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 807.

[739] Ibid, p. 460.

[740] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 119.

[741] Ibid, p. 275.

[742] Ibid.

[743] Ibid, p. 276.

[744] Ibid, p. 115.

[745] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[746] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[747] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[748] Cf ibid, p. 778.

[749] Ibid, p. 795.

[750] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[751] Ibid, p. 283.

[752] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[753] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12.

[754] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[755] Ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[756] Cf ibid, p. 781.

[757] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[758] Ibid, p. 118.

[759] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 454.

[760] Ibid, p. 451a.

[761] Ibid, p. 454.

[762] Ibid, p. 451a.

[763] Ibid.

[764] Ibid, pp. 116-118.

[765] Ibid, p. 469.

[766] Ibid, pp. 471-472.

[767] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[768] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 746.

[769] Ibid, p. 780.

[770] Ibid, p. 479.

[771] Ibid, pp. 792-793.

[772] Ibid, p. 443.

[773] Cf ibid, pp. 451, 457, 745.

[774] Cf ibid.

[775] Cf ibid, p. 807.

[776] Ibid, p. 454.

[777] Cf ibid, p. 444.

[778] Cf ibid.

[779] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[780] Ibid.

[781] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 782.

[782] Ibid, p. 446.

[783] Ibid, p. 474.

[784] Ibid, p. 781.

[785] Ibid, p. 745.

[786] Ibid, p. 474.

[787] Ibid, p. 746.

[788] Ibid, p. 811.

[789] Ibid, p. 745.

[790] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 10-13.

[791] Cf ibid.

[792] Cf ibid.

[793] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[794] Cf Al. bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro, p. 210.

[795] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[796] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 475.

[797] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 48.

[798] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[799] Ibid, pp. 745-746.

[800] Ibid, p. 805.

[801] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[802] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 805.

[803] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[804] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[805] Ibid, p. 443.

[806] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[807] Ibid, p. 284.

[808] Cf Cosm. 1957 Census Silhouette, p. 1.

J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, p. 48.

[809] F. M. Lacroix, Malte et le Goze, Paris 1848, p. 46.

[810] Cf J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics in a Crown Colony, pp. 59-71, 88-90. The % s are my own, and are only approximate.

[811] Royal Commissioners, Report. Poor. Parliamentary Pepers, London, 1839 – XVII – 140, 11f.

[812] The Editor, A Century Ago – Daily Malta Chronicle, in The Times (20 September 2003), p. 23.

[813] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, Gozo 1987, p. 13.

[814] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 242.

[815] Cf ibid, p. 243.

[816] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 58. It has already been said that the Ecclesiastical Tribunal set up in Malta to hear the witnesses in the Diocesan Process of the Cause of Canonisation of the Servant of God, Joseph De Piro, held its official sessions during the years 1988-1992. At this same time in Gozo there was set up another Tribunal, which heard the Gozitan witnesses in between 10 September 1990 and 9 January 1991.

[817] Ibid, p. 23.

[818] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, pp. 13-15.

[819] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[820] Cf ibid, p. 10-11.

[821] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[822] Cf ibid, pp. 11-13.

[823] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[824] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 2.

[825] Cf ibid, pp. 5-7.

[826] Cf J. Bezzina, Saint Joseph Home: A Boys’ Haven in Gozo, p. 8.

[827] Cf Dpa, Isititut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9.

[828] Cf ibid, p. 9a.

[829] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[830] Cf ibid, pp. 10-11.

[831] Ibid, p. 9c.

[832] Cf ibid.

[833] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[834] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[835] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[836] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[837] Ibid, pp. 3-4.

[838] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[839] Ibid, pp. 15-16.

[840] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[841] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 226.

[842] Cf the above Statutes.

[843] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 226.

[844] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 19-20.

[845] Cf just below.

[846] P. 3.

[847] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 284.

[848] Cf ibid, p. 250.

[849] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 24.

[850] Cf below: the address to the Bishop of Gozo at the inauguration ceremony.

[851] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 284-285. Cf also ibid, pp. 248, 250, 256. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[852] Cf eg., Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 54-55.

[853] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 258. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28-29, 54-55.

[854] Cf ibid.

[855] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 27a-28a.

[856] Ibid , pp. 24-27a. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91.

[857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 255, 285.

[858] Cf ibid, pp. 242, 246, 252, 255. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 2, 23, 33, 52.

[859] Cf The inaugural speeches.

[860] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 25-28.

[861] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[862] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[863] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 252. Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 31.

[864] AL. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 235.

[865] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 16, 16a.

[866] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 246.

[867] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 23.

[868] Ibid.

[869] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[870] Ibid, p. 53. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 255.

[871] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 10, 23, 74, 76, 85.

[872] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[873] Ibid.

[874] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[875] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 53, 61.

[876] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 53.

[877] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[878] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[879] Ibid. Cf also J. Bezzina, The Gozo-Malta Ferry Service, Gozo 1991, pp. 37-39.

[880] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[881] Ibid, p. 257.

[882] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 54.

[883] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[884] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 18, 55.

[885] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 69.

[886] Ibid, p. 70.

[887] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[888] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 247.

[889] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 55.

[890] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[891] Ibid, p. 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 54, 55.

[892] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 24.

[893] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[894] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[895] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[896] Ibid, p. 243. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 7-8.

[897] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 43.

[898] Ibid, p. 57.

[899] Ibid, p. 58.

[900] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[901] Ibid, p. 240.

[902] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[903] Ibid, p. 34.

[904] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[905] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[906] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 253.

[907] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 62.

[908] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[909] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 7.

[910] Ibid, p. 34.

[911] Ibid.

[912] Ibid, p. 38.

[913] Ibid, p. 40.

[914] Ibid, p. 62.

[915] Ibid, p. 40.

[916] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 39, 56.

[917] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[918] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[919] Cf ibid, p. 253.

[920] Dp, The Gozo Testmonies, p. 12.

[921] Cf ibid, pp. 36, 58.

[922] Ibid, p. 39.

[923] Ibid, p. 58.

[924] Ibid, p. 12.

[925] *This includes 132 males and 130 females, British and other foreigners.

Cf Census of the Maltese Islands, Malta Govt. Printing Office, 1903, Table XLV.

[926] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[927] Ibid, p. 60.

[928] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[929] Cf ibid, p. 252.

[930] Ibid, p. 253.

[931] Cf ibid, p. 242.

[932] Cf ibid, p. 243.

[933] Cf ibid, p. 247.

[934] Cf C. A. Price, Malta and the Maltese, p. 15.

[935] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[936] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 243, 247, 253, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60.

[937] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 38.

[938] Cf p. 162 of this thesis.

[939] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[940] Ibid, p. 243.

[941] Cf ibid, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 10, 42, 61.

[942] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[943] Cf J. F. Grima, Il-Baned ta’ Malta u Ghawdex: Introduzzjoni, in L-Istorja tal-Kazini tal-Baned f’Malta u Ghawdex, vol. I, Malta 1997, p. x.

[944] Ibid. p. ix-x.

[945] Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, L-ewwel Zminijiet tal-Banda Taghna, in Ghajnsielem, 1993 (n 9), Gozo, p. 9. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253, 258.

[946] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 46, 63.

[947] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46.

[948] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928 – 2003), p. 36. cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 247, 258; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 46, 63.

[949] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghajnsielem, Ghawdex, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928 – 2003), p. 36.

[950] Cf ibid, p. 52.

[951] Cf ibid.

[952] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 8.

[953] Cf ibid, p. 43.

[954] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[955] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 59.

[956] Ibid, pp. 41-42.

[957] Ibid, p. 42.

[958] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 39-40, 45, 53.

[959] Cf ibid, pp. 50, 51.

[960] Cf ibid, p. 54.

[961] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 15.

[962] Cf Dp, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 55. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 244, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 15, 44.

[963] Cf Dp, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 59.

[964] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 23.

[965] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[966] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[967] Cf ibid, p. 35.

[968] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[969] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 26.

[970] Ibid, p. 4.

[971] Ibid, p. 15.

[972] Ibid, p. 30.

[973] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[974] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 54.

[975] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[976] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 9.

[977] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[978] Ibid.

[979] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 76.

[980] Ibid, p. 15.

[981] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 257. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 13, 39, 53, 59, 76.

[982] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[983] Ibid, p. 59.

[984] Ibid, p. 31.

[985] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 249.

[986] Ibid, p. 250.

[987]Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[988] Ibid, p. 24.

[989] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[990] Cf ibid, pp. 244, 248, 253. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 19, 64.

[991] George Pisani was one of the best poets in Gozo.

[992] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 85.

[993] G. Pisani, Il-Ghid taz-Zoghzija, Malta 1949, p. 73. My own translation.

[994] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also pp. 136- 137 of this thesis.

[995] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 27.

[996] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[997] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[998] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[999] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[1000] While in the case of the previous four institutes it was possible to meet several witnesses who could testify to De Piro’s ministry in these orphanages, it was not the same with regards the House for babies and St Francis de Paul; the testimonies were next to none.

[1001] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8. Unfortunately I was not able to find persons who had contact with this Home at the time of the Servant of God, and who could give testimony to De Piro’s behaviour in relation to it. For this reason in order to present this section I had to rely only on the very few documents connected to it.

[1002] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, pp. 1, 33.

[1003] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 8-9. What had been said about the lact of testimonies regarding The Home for Little Boys can be repeated even for the witnesses realted to De Piro as Direcotor of St Francis de Paul, Birkirkara; they were non existant.

[1004] Cf ibid.

[1005] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, Malta 1985, pp. .320-321.

[1006] AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, 7 July 1933, p. 45.

[1007] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983

[1008] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[1009] Cf eg., Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[1010] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 1, art. 2.

[1011] Ibid, p. 3, arts. 8-9.

[1012] Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1. Unfortunately it was again impossible to meet people who could give information about De Piro and his direction of the Sacred Heart Laboratory. I had to rely on the very few documents related to it.

[1013] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[1014] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, p. 207.

[1015] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 4, 6.

[1016] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[1017] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 264.

[1018] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 6.

[1019] The notice was formulated by De Piro himself in order to advertise a concert which was going to be organised as fundraising for the Laboratory.

[1020] Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 4.

[1021] Priest, orator, preacher, senator, and cabinet minister (Cf M. Schiavone and L. J. Scerri, Maltese Biographies of the Twentieth Century, p. 203).

[1022] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 264.

[1023] Cf ibid, pp. 211-213.

[1024] Cf ibid, pp. 213-214.

[1025] Cf ibid, p. 214.

[1026] Cf ibid, pp. 214-215.

[1027] Cf ibid, pp. 215-217.

[1028] Archives of the Missionary Sisters of Jesus of Nazareth (AMSJN), Costituzioni delle Suore Missionarie di Gesù Nazzareno, art. 2.

[1029] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921. Cf also A. V. Laferla, British Malta, vol. II, Malta 1947, p. 233.

[1030] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921.

[1031] Cf ibid. Cf also The Request in 1932 that Malta be granted Dominion Status. Memorandum on the Dominion Status of Malta in Internal Affairs, as quoted by Henry Frendo, in Maltese Political Development 1798-1964, A Documentary History, Malta 1993, p. 458.

[1032] Cf Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921.

[1033] Cf A. V. Laferla, British Malta, vol. II, p. 233.

[1034] Kostituzzjoni tal-Gvern Responsabbli f’Malta, 1921, art. 41.

[1035] Cf J.J. Cremona, An Outline of the Constitutional Development of Malta Under British Rule, Malta 1963, p. 26.

[1036] Cf M. J. Schiavone, L-Elezzjonijiet f’Malta 1849-1922, Storja, Fatti, Cifri, Malta 1992, pp. 133-134.

[1037] Cf ibid, pp. 143-145.

[1038] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament, 18 November 1932, p. 170.

For a study about the Mortmain Law cf., Ch. J. Scicluna, The Mortmain Act 1967: Its Genesis and Interpretation (LLD unpublished thesis), University of Malta, 1983.

[1039] Ibid, 21 February 1933, p. 495.

[1040] Cf ibid.

[1041] Ibid, pp. 495-496.

[1042] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[1043] Ibid.

[1044] Cf ibid.

[1045] Ibid.

[1046] Ibid.

[1047] Ibid.

[1048] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 4.

[1049] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 10.

[1050] Ibid, p. 10.

[1051] Ibid.

[1052] Ibid, p. 11.

[1053] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara, p. 494.

[1054] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 5-6, 7-9.

[1055] Cf ibid, pp. 8, 20 (5), 23 (par. 1), 24 (1), 26 (1, 7).

[1056] Cf ibid, p. 36.

[1057] Cf ibid, p. 26 (2, 4).

[1058] Ibid, p. 26 (5).

[1059] Ibid, pp. 26-27.

[1060] Ibid, p. 28.

[1061] Ibid, p. 28.

[1062] Ibid, p. 30.

[1063] Ibid, p. 36.

[1064] Ibid, pp. 12-13.

[1065] Ibid, p. 34.

[1066] Ibid, p. 28.

[1067] Ibid, p. 88.

[1068] Ibid, p. 41.

[1069] Ibid, p. 48.

[1070] Ibid, p. 50.

[1071] Ibid, p. 26.

[1072] Ibid, pp. 86-87.

[1073] Ibid, p. 81.

[1074] Ibid, pp. 87-88.

[1075] Cf p. 110 of this thesis.

[1076] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, p. 5.

[1077] Ibid, p. 6.

[1078] Ibid, p. 8.

[1079] Ibid, p. 9.

[1080] Ibid, p. 10.

[1081] Ibid, p. 11.

[1082] Ibid, p. 12.

[1083] Ibid, p. 13.

[1084] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[1085] Ibid, p. 4.

[1086] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12.

[1087] Ibid, p. 323.

[1088] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010.

[1089] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 8.

[1090] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1040.

[1091] Ibid, p. 1055.

[1092] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 63.

[1093] Ibid, p. 116.

[1094] Ibid, p. 118.

[1095] Ibid, p. 16.

[1096] Ibid, p. 25.

[1097] Ibid, p. 43.

[1098] Ibid, p. 45

[1099] Ibid, pp. 50, 55, 61.

[1100] Ibid, p. 56.

[1101] Ibid, pp. 56, 60.

[1102] Ibid, p. 99.

[1103] Ibid, p. 105.

[1104] Ibid, p. 107.

[1105] Ibid, p. 17.

[1106] Ibid, p. 19.

[1107] Ibid, p. 34.

[1108] Ibid, p. 37.

[1109] Ibid, p. 47.

[1110] Ibid, p. 49.

[1111] Ibid, p. 55.

[1112] Ibid, pp. 100, 101.

[1113] Ibid, pp. 112, 114.

[1114] Ibid, p. 121.

[1115] Ibid, p. 52.

[1116] Ibid, p. 94.

[1117] Ibid, pp. 1, 3, 8, 10, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 25, 26, 28, 31, 33, 34, 40, 44, 48, 50, 53, 55, 58, 64, 66, 68, 69 (bis), 72, 74,77, 80, 83, 88, 97, 99, 103, 109, 117, 122.

[1118] Ibid, p. 1055.

[1119] Ibid, pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 - 12, 14 - 46, 48 - 57, 59 - 62, 64, 65, 67 - 75, 78 - 90, 92 -122.

[1120] Ibid, p. 1.

[1121] Ibid, p. 26.

[1122] Ibid, pp. 31, 35, 57, 104.

[1123] Ibid, p. 47.

[1124] Ibid, p. 52.

[1125] Ibid, p. 77.

[1126] Ibid, p. 101.

[1127] Ibid, p. 112.

[1128] Ibid p. 117.

[1129] Ibid, p. 13.

[1130] Ibid, p. 16.

[1131] Ibid, p. 20.

[1132] Ibid, p. 31.

[1133] Ibid, pp. 33, 62.

[1134] Ibid, pp. 33, 61.

[1135] Ibid, pp. 33, 62.

[1136] Ibid, pp. 38, 71, 73.

[1137] Ibid, p. 42.

[1138] Ibid, p. 43.

[1139] Ibid, p. 43.

[1140] Ibid, p. 45.

[1141] Ibid, p. 50.

[1142] Ibid, pp. 56, 59, 62, 64 (bis), 65 (bis), 67 (3 times), 70 (bis), 71(bis), 72, 73 (3 times), 74, 75, 76, 77, 78 (bis), 79, 80 (3times), 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 93, 95, 103, 104, 120, 121.

Looking at these references I could not understand how it was possible for Mrs Tomlin to go to De Piro and ask him the same thing, that frequently. At the same time I knew that the surname Tomlin was not common in Malta. It happened that one of the members of our Society is Fr Stanley Tomlin. Therefore I asked him about this. He told me that his father died on 15 December 1929 – this Mrs Tomlin went to De Piro for the first time on 15 May 1929. Also, it would have been impossible that within a very few days his mother went to Monsignor three times to ask for the same thing. Fr Tomlin said that his mother was in contact with many poor mothers. Therefore it could have happened that she went to the Director of St Joseph’s, Malta, and asked his help for others and not for her own family. This would mean that through Mrs Tomlin the Servant of God helped many other individuals

[1143] Ibid, pp. 60, 65, 82.

[1144] Ibid, pp. 65, 92.

[1145] Ibid, pp. 69, 112.

[1146] Ibid, p. 71.

[1147] Ibid, p. 75.

[1148] Ibid, p. 79.

[1149] Ibid, p. 84.

[1150] Ibid, p. 83.

[1151] Ibid, p. 84.

[1152] Ibid, p. 96.

[1153] Ibid, p. 102.

[1154] Ibid, pp. 111, 112.

[1155] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[1156] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1157] Ibid, p. 238

[1158] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 173.

[1159] Cf J. Bezzina, The Gozo-Malta Ferry Service, pp. 37-39.

[1160] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[1161] Ibid.

[1162] Ibid, p. 968.

[1163] Ibid, p. 987.

[1164] Ibid, pp. 1058-1059.

[1165] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, pp. 2 - 6, 8, 9, 13 - 15, 30, 34, 35, 36, 39, 43, 52, 54 - 56, 61, 63, 96, 99, 110, 118.

[1166] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 14.

[1167] Cf ibid.

[1168] Ibid, p. 17.

[1169] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[1170] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1171] Cf PAR, Council of Government, 6 November 1920, p. 1463.

[1172] Malta, 16 April 1921, p. 2.

[1173] Cf Il-Hmar, 18. 5. 1921. p. 2.

[1174] Cf G. Bonnici, Storja tal-Partit tal-Haddiema, Malta 1931, p. 27.

[1175] Cf Malta Legislative Assembly, Debates, vol. 14: 16. 5. 1927, pp. 7594-98; 23. 5. 1927, pp. 7624-28; 31. 5. 1927, pp. 7815-32. Cf also K. Ellul Galea, It-Trejdunjonizmu f’Malta, vol. III, Malta 1999, pp. 318-319.

[1176] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109.

[1177] Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[1178] Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[1179] Cf pp. 75 - 85

[1180] Cf E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, p. 106.

[1181] Cf B. Blouet, The Story of Malta, ²London 1972, p. 189. E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, p. 106.

[1182] Cf pp. 77- 79 of this thesis.

[1183] The prices are only approximate because I have worked out the exchange from the old currency to the new one.

[1184] Cf The Testimony to the Inquest Commission, of William C.F. Robertson, Leit., Governor and Principal Secretary of the Government, as quoted by P. Bartolo, in X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 40.

[1185] Cf H. Frendo, Ir-Rivoluzzjoni Maltija tal-1919, Malta 1970, pp. 19f.

[1186] Ibid.

[1187] Cf ibid, pp. 19-24. P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 40-47, 48-63.

[1188] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, p. 9.

[1189] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[1190] Where not indicated otherwise much of the material in this section has been taken from the book of Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 270-282. Cf also Malta Government, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 28-37; H. Frendo, Birthpangs of a Nation; Manuel Dimech’s Malta (1860-1921); Idem, Party Politics In A Fortress Colony: The Maltese Experience, pp. 171-173, 184; P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno; E. Agius, Social Consciousness of the Church in Malta, 1891-1921, pp. 105ff; J. Bezzina, Religion and Politics In a Crown Colony, p. 330.

[1191] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[1192] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80.

[1193] Cf ibid, pp. 81-110.

[1194] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta: 25 febbraio- 27 maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[1195] Cf ibid.

[1196] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115.

[1197] Cf ibid, p. 32.

[1198] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 41, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H.30,

p. 1.

[1199] Ibid, Sitting 2 (198/1919), W.H.S, p. 1.

[1200] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 112.

[1201]PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 4, Report of Evidence, W.H.30, p. 1-2.

P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 113.

[1202] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n 4, Report of Evidence, W.H.5, p. 1.

[1203] Ibid, W.H.30, p. 2.

[1204] Ibid, Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[1205] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated into English by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 275. Cf also PAR, Reports, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 4. Bartolo’s book does not include anything about the 9 June 1919 because the Inquest Commission did not ask any information about this day.

[1206] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated into English by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 275.

[1207] Cf PAR, Reports, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 2.

[1208] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 114.

[1209] Ibid.

[1210] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W. H, 11.

[1211] Ibid.

[1212] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 116.

[1213] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W. H, 11.

[1214] Cf ibid, Sitting 4, W. H.. 30, pp. 2-3.

[1215] Report into the events and circumstances, p. 11.

[1216] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 3.

[1217] Ibid, Sitting 2, W. H. 11

[1218] The following motive had prompted the assault on Francia's home: Colonel Francia was President of the Chamber of Commerce and was also a well known importer of grain. He was a friend of the English, and manifested what was interpreted as neglect for the poverty of the Maltese (Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 47, 141). His house suffered great damage; it was ransacked and looted. The following is an excerpt from Colonel John Louis Francia's evidence: “We stayed in the cellar for a couple of hours, and during this time, we did not see anything, but the noise and shouting made us realise that everything in the house was being smashed and the crowd was all over the house. . . Much of the furniture was thrown out of the windows into the courtyard ... clothing, linen disappeared. Jewellery, diamonds, silver and gold - all of it just went. There were three safes which were not touched, except for one, which still bears the marks to show that, when they tried to open it, it was damaged” (Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 144-145).

[1219] P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 118.

[1220] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 30, p. 3.

[1221] PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W. H, 11.

[1222] Ibid.

[1223] Ibid, W. H. 30, pp. 3-4.

[1224] Ibid, p. 4.

[1225] Ibid, Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[1226] Ibid, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, p. 4.

[1227] Ibid, Sitting 2, W. H. 11.

[1228] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 280.

[1229] Cf p. 45 of this thesis. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 189-191.

[1230] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 990.

[1231] Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, Malta 1982, pp. 199-200.

[1232] Cf ibid.

[1233] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[1234] Cf ibid.

[1235] Cf ibid, p. 991.

[1236] Ibid.

[1237] Ibid.

[1238] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 11, W., 163.

[1239] Cf Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 201.

[1240] Ibid, p. 203.

[1241] Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 282.

[1242] Anon, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Malta, 19 April 1927, p. 2.

[1243] Cf The Archives of Centre Spirituel de la Sinte Face, 8 Rue Bernard Palessy, 37000. Tours, France.

[1244] Cf I. Formosa, Il Volto Santo, in L’Eco di Nazareth, 3 August 1889. Year XVI, n. 15, pp. 113-115.

[1245] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[1246] Cf pp. 13- 14of this thesis.

[1247] Cf pp. 17 -19 of this thesis.

[1248] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 8.

[1249] Cf pp. 10- 11 of this thesis.

[1250] Cf image on opposite page.

[1251] Cf Mt 27, 29; Mk 15, 17; Jn 19, 2.

[1252] Cf Jn 10, 30.

[1253] Cf Mt 26, 36-46.

[1254] Cf Is 53, 7.

[1255] Mt 6, 4.

[1256] Cf ibid, 27, 29.

[1257] Cf pp. 42-43 of this thesis.

[1258] cf ibid.

[1259] Cf Appendix 1 (pp. 521 - 525).

[1260] Cf ibid.

[1261] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, 3 vols.

[1262] Cf ibid.

[1263] Ibid, vol. I, pp. 2-3.

[1264] Ibid, vol. I, p. 3.

[1265] Ibid, vol. III, p. 389.

[1266] Ibid, vol. II, p. 251.

[1267] Ibid, vol. III, p. 394.

[1268] Ibid.

[1269] Ibid, vol. I, p. 77.

[1270] Ibid, pp. 92-96.

[1271] Ibid, pp. 114-116.

[1272] Ibid, p. 160.

[1273] Ibid, pp. 160-161.

[1274] Ibid, p. 132.

[1275] Ibid, p. 140.

[1276] Ibid, vol. III, p. 342.

[1277] Ibid, p. 369.

[1278] Ibid, p. 343.

[1279] Ibid, p. 370.

[1280] Ibid, p. 371.

[1281] Ibid.

[1282] Ibid, vol I, p. 14.

[1283] Ibid, p. 11.

[1284] Ibid, p. 18

[1285] Ibid, p. 16.

[1286] Ibid, vol. II, pp. 174-175.

[1287] Ibid, pp. 181-182.

[1288] Ibid, p. 210.

[1289] Idem, pp. 191-192.

[1290] Ibid, pp. 193-194.

[1291] Ibid, p. 185.

[1292] Ibid, pp. 189-190.

[1293] Ibid, p. 210.

[1294] Ibid, pp. 189-190.

[1295] Ibid, pp. 195-196.

[1296] Ibid, pp. 198-199.

[1297] Ibid, vol. I, pp. 12, 44, 66, 148, 152, 155; Vol. II, 221, 224, 276, 278; Vol. III, 291, 327, 329, 343, 366, 404.

[1298] Ibid, pp. 8, 10, 11, 13, 83, 105; Vol. 224, 241, 257, 274, , 284, 295, 299, 342, 345, 348, 359.

[1299] Ibid, p. 10; Vol. II, 224; Vol. III, p. 366.

[1300] Ibid, pp. 77, 94; Vol. II, pp. 223, 224, 232, 236, 264, 268; Vol. III, pp. 303, 344.

[1301] Ibid, p. 122; Vol. III, pp. 303, 305, 307, 405.

[1302] Ibid, pp. 2, 87, 110, 112; Vol. III, pp. 280, 344, 346, 404, 428.

[1303] Ibid, vol. III, p. 409.

[1304] Ibid, vol. I, p. 40.

[1305] Ibid, vol. II, p. 190; Vol. III, pp. 280, 367, 372, 414.

[1306] Ibid, vol. I, p. 46; Vol. III, p. 345.

[1307] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 220-225.

[1308] Cf ibid, p. 226.

[1309] Cf ibid, pp. 227-229

[1310] Cf ibid, p. 230-231.

[1311] Cf ibid, pp. 232-244.

[1312] Cf ibid, pp. 245-255.

[1313] Cf ibid, p. 256.

[1314] Cf ibid, pp. 257-260.

[1315] Cf ibid, pp. 261-263.

[1316] Cf ibid, pp. 264-268.

[1317] Cf ibid, pp. 269-270.

[1318] Cf ibid, pp. 271-273.

[1319] Cf ibid, pp. 274-275.

[1320] Cf ibid, pp. 278-279.

[1321] Ibid, p. 165.

[1322] Ibid, p. 260.

[1323] Ibid, pp. 261-263.

[1324] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 1-53.

[1325] Cf ibid, vol. III, pp. 308-421.

[1326] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 60-76.

[1327] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 122-126.

[1328] Cf ibid, vol. III, pp. 280-293.

[1329] Cf ibid, pp. 294-295.

[1330] Cf ibid, pp. 296-298.

[1331] Cf ibid, pp. 299-304.

[1332] Cf ibid, p. 305.

[1333] Here references are made to the English version of the Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, translated from Maltese into English by Fr Frans Ferriggi mssp.

[1334] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesatimonies, p. 1068.

[1335] Cf J De Piro, Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, pp. 81-82.

[1336] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91.

[1337] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91; 1932, p. 395.

[1338] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 24, 26;1924, pp. 90-91; 1925, p. 114-115.

[1339] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 440.

[1340] Cf ibid, 1932, pp. 356f; 1933, p. 423.

[1341] Cf ibid, 1924, pp. 88, 90-91.

[1342] Cf ibid, 1926, pp. 147-148.

[1343] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 90.

[1344] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 26.

[1345] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 108.

[1346] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[1347] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 90; 1927, pp. 164-166.

[1348] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 28; 1931, pp. 312, 320.

[1349] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 58.

[1350] Cf ibid, p. 65.

[1351] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 314, 335; 1932, pp. 364, 368; 1933, pp. 423, 429-430.

[1352] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 15; 1923, pp. 47, 62; 1924, pp. 81, 95; 1931, pp. 311f; 1932, pp. 356f, 363; 1933, pp. 423-425.

[1353] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 14; 1932, p. 361; 1933, p. 423-425.

[1354] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 18; 1927, p. 16.

[1355] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 58, 62; 1924, p. 90-91; 1929, p. 232.

[1356] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 387.

[1357] Cf ibid, 1929, pp. 249-250.

[1358] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 170; 1928, pp. 213-214; 1929, p. 218; 1930, p. 265; 1931, p. 330; 1932, p. 365.

[1359] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 383; 1933, p. 434.

[1360] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 248.

[1361] Cf ibid, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[1362] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 375.

[1363] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 178.

[1364] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 123-125.

[1365] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 9; 1925, p. 114.

[1366] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 423.

[1367] cf Mortification.

[1368] Cf J De Piro, Saint Paul, Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 26.

[1369] Cf ibid, p. 20; 1924, p. 91;1925, p. 111; 1926, p. 149; 1927, p. 184;1931, pp. 323, 344; 1932, pp. 389-390; 1933, pp. 427, 440-441.

[1370] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 58; 1924, pp. 77, 88, 90.

[1371] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 51.

[1372] Cf ibid, pp. 51-52.

[1373] Ibid, 1923 p. 50. Cf also ibid, pp. 2-3.

[1374] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 229. Cf also Ibid, 1923, pp. 2-3.

[1375] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, p. 229.

[1376] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 304-312. Cf also Ibid, 1923, pp. 2-3.

[1377] Ibid, 1923, p. 230.

[1378] Ibid, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1379] Ibid, 1923, p. 33.

[1380] Ibid, 1933, pp. 409-410.

[1381] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[1382] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 195.

[1383] Ibid, 1922, p. 14.

[1384] Ibid, 1924, p. 95.

[1385] Cf ibid, 1932, p. 361; 1933, pp. 423-425.

[1386] Ibid, 1933, p. 430.

[1387] Ibid, 1923, p. 45.

[1388] Ibid, 1922, p. 20.

[1389] Ibid, 1925, p. 111.

[1390] Cf ibid, 1926, pp. 143-144.

[1391] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 54, 68; 1925, back cover; 1926, back cover.

[1392] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 36; 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, p. 143;1927, pp. 164-166; 1927, pp. 172, 183-184; 1929, p. 242; 1930, p. 256.

[1393] Cf ibid, 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 233, 244, 246.

[1394] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 203; 1933, p. 441.

[1395] Cf ibid, 1931, pp. 332, 338.

[1396] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 180.

[1397] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1925, pp. 123-125; 1927, pp. 172, 174; 1928, pp. 190-191, 197, 203-204, 207, 209, 211, 214; 1929, pp. 240-242, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 260-264, 269-270, 272-274, 276, 283-284, 286; 1931, pp. 304-312, 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 339-340; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372, 379-380, 384-385, 387; 1933, pp. 434, 438.

[1398] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 12, 14; 1923, p. 51; 1925, p. 124; 1926, p. 136; 1927, p. 170; 1928, pp. 190-191, 213; 1929, p. 232; 1930, front cover, pp. 256-258, 277, 280-281, 286, 288-289; 1931, front cover, pp. 312, 314, 318, 323, 332-333, 335-336, 338, 344; 1932, pp. 361, 364-365, 368, 371, 374-375, 376, 378, 385, 387, 395; 1933, pp. 407-420, 421, 423, 427, 429-430, 434, 442.

[1399] Cf ibid, 1928, pp. 190, 213; 1929, pp. 221-227, 246; 1930, pp. 267, 269-270, 273 (photo), 276, 288-290; 1931, pp. 332-333; 1932, pp. 371, 380, 394.

[1400] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 20; 1924, p. 91; 1925, p. 111; 1926, p. 156; 1927, p. 184; 1930, pp. 267 (note), 281; 1931, pp. 312, 323, 330 (note), 344; 1932, pp. 367-368, 375-376, 389-390, 392; 1933, pp. 427, 440-441.

[1401] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 44-45; 1924, pp. 79, 82; 1926, p. 136; 1928, pp. 193, 203-204, 209, 213-214; 1930, pp. 260-264; 1931, p. 300.

[1402] I did not say “catechism classes” because in the ecclesiastical charitable institutes there were probably no formal classes. Then I did not say “catechism classes for boys” because eg., at Fra Diegu there were no boys, but only girls, and there De Piro procured the teaching of catechism.

[1403] Cf A. J. Borg, The Reform of the Council of Trent in Malta and Gozo, Malta 1975, p. 55.

[1404] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of The Church in Malta, vol. II, Malta 1968, p. 49.

[1405] Last Session.

[1406] A. J. Borg, The Reform of the Council of Trent in Malta and Gozo, p. 54.

[1407] Cf RML, Status spiritualis Ecclesiae Diocesis Melivetanae (1681). Misc. ms 252, p. 46.

[1408] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of The Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 54-56. Al. Bonnici, L-Isla, vol. III, pp. 156-7, 182, 203-4. Idem, Dun Gorg Preca, Malta 1980, vol. I, pp. 142-147.

[1409] A certain Mgr Lawrence Cachia passed on to me some private notes about catechism books in Maltese. According to Cachia Wizzino was asked by Bishop Paul Alpheran de Bussan (+ 1728-1757) to translate the catechism of Cardinal Bellarmino. Its text was in fact both in Italian and Maltese. For some hundred years this catechism remained the only existent catechism in Malta.

[1410] Originally in Italian. Ordered by Pius X for the Diocese of Rome.

[1411] Originally by Mgr J. J. Guame.

[1412] Taken from Scaramelli.

[1413] Ibid.

[1414] Taken from Scaramelli and other authors.

[1415] Cf ibid.

[1416] AAM, Civil Acts, 1912 n. 72, 1v.

[1417] Al. Bonnici, Dun George Preca: Hajtu – Xhieda – Dokumenti, p. 139.

[1418] Cf AAM, Civil Acts, 1908.

[1419] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1112-1113.

[1420] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1421] Ibid, pp. 309-310.

[1422] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1423] Cf Table 5 (p. 87).

[1424] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[1425] Cf Dpa, St Joseph’s Home, Malta: Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione.

[1426] Cf ibid.

[1427] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1112.

[1428] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1429]Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1430] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1431] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1432] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204-205.

[1433] Ibid, p. 310.

[1434] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1435] Ibid, p. 1082.

[1436] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1437] Ibid, p. 310.

[1438] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1439] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1440] Ibid, p. 310.

[1441] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1442] Dp, The1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1443] Ibid, p. 310.

[1444] Dp, The 1988-19992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1445] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1446] Ibid, p. 310.

[1447] Cf ibid.

[1448] Cf ibid.

[1449] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1450] Ibid, p. 204.

[1451] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[1452] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[1453] Ibid, p. 204.

[1454] Ibid, p. 204.

[1455] Ibid, p. 310.

[1456] Ibid.

[1457] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[1458] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1459] Ibid, p. 310.

[1460] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[1461] Cf CIC (1917) 1329-1334.

[1462] Cf pp. 238-239 of this thesis.

[1463] Cf CIC (1917) 1334.

[1464] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[1465] Ibid.

[1466] Ibid.

[1467] Ibid.

[1468] Ibid.

[1469] Ibid.

[1470] Ibid.

[1471] Ibid.

[1472] Ibid.

[1473] Cf AAS 16 [1918], p. 133.

[1474] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[1475] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[1476] Ibid, p. 22.

[1477] Ibid, p. 22a.

[1478] Ibid.

[1479] Ibid, p. 25.

[1480] Ibid, p. 42.

[1481] Ibid, p. 83.

[1482] Ibid, p. 84.

[1483] Ibid, p. 103.

[1484] Ibid, p. 145.

[1485] Ibid, p. 129. The third part was presented to Archbishop Caruana on 9 December 1925 (Cf ibid, p. 167).

[1486] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text, Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[1487] Ibid, pp. 13-15.

[1488] Ibid, p. 13.

[1489] Ibid.

[1490] Ibid.

[1491] Ibid.

[1492] Ibid, pp. 13-14.

[1493] Cf p. 241 of this thesis.

[1494] Cf pp. 244 - 244, 250 -254 of this thesis.

[1495] Cf DPA, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 59-101.

[1496] Cf RML, Ms 747 (Libro in cui si scrivono i Confratelli e Consorelle della Ven. Conf. Della Dottrina Cristiana… Birchircara).

[1497] Cf E. B. Vella, Storja ta’ B’Kara. Malta, 1934. p. 271.

[1498] Cf pp. 235-239 of this thesis.

[1499] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, I, p. 7.

[1500] The information of this table was mainly acquired from the unpublished research of Philip Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, I, p. 8 – III, p. 12.

[1501] Ibid, II, pp. 3-7.

[1502] Cf pp. 186 - 187 of this thesis.

[1503] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 81, 87-88. Cf also pp. 186 - 187 of this thesis.

[1504] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 227

[1505] Cf DPA, Oratory Photo Album, n. 23.

[1506] Cf ibid, n. 25.

[1507] Cf ibid, n. 26.

[1508] Cf Apendix 4 (p.535).

[1509] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130.

[1510] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 87-88.

[1511]Ibid, p. 47. Cf also pp. 48-49, 50-51.

[1512] Cf p. 79 of this thesis.

[1513] The list of places is only in an alphabetical order.

Cf L. Attard, Early Maltese Emigration, The Great Exodus, Malta 1989. Idem, The Safety Valve, Malta 1997. Cf also idem, L-Emigrazzjoni Maltija fis-Sekli Dsatax u Ghoxrin, Malta 1999.

[1514] Cf pp. 188 -194 of this thesis.

[1515] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1931, pp. 304-312.

[1516] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 33.

[1517] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 229; 1930, p. 293.

[1518] Cf ibid, p. 246.

[1519] Cf ibid, 1923, p. 33, 51-52; 1929, pp. 229-230.

[1520] Cf ibid, p. 33, 56; 1924, p. 79; 1929, p. 230; 1931, p. 321.

[1521] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 24a.

[1522] Ibid, p. 26.

[1523][1523] Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 161-163.

[1524] Cf L. Attard, L-Emigrazzjoni Maltija fis-Seklu Dsatax u Ghoxrin, p. 67.

[1525] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 39.

[1526] Cf ibid, p. 44.

[1527] Ibid, pp. 44-45.

[1528] Ibid, p. 46.

[1529] Cf ibid, pp. 61-66.

[1530] Cf Acts 27, 1 – 28, 11.

[1531] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[1532] Ibid.

[1533] Ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[1534] Ibid, pp. 306-308.

[1535] Ibid, p. 308.

[1536] Cf p. 22 of this thesis.

[1537] Cf p. 61 of this thesis.

[1538] Cf pp. 61, 342 of this thesis.

[1539] Cf p. 61 of this thesis.

[1540] Cf p. 62 of this thesis.

[1541] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[1542] Cf p. 63 of this thesis.

[1543] Cf pp. 64, 65, of this thesis

[1544] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1545] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1546] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 12.

[1547] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[1548] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1549] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 5.

[1550] Ibid, p. 7.

[1551] Ibid.

[1552] Ibid, p. 9.

[1553] Ibid, p. 13.

[1554] Ibid, p. 15.

[1555] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[1556] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 22.

[1557] Ibid, p. 25.

[1558] Ibid, p. 48.

[1559] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4, 5, 7, 8.

[1560] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 29.

[1561] Ibid, p. 30.

[1562] Ibid, p. 29.

[1563] Ibid, p. 31.

[1564] Ibid, p. 31.

[1565] Ibid, p. 33.

[1566] Ibid, p. 37.

[1567] Ibid, p. 38.

[1568] Cf pp. 261- 262 of this thesis.

[1569] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 46-49.

[1570] Ibid, p. 46.

[1571] Cf ibid, pp. 61-66.

[1572] Ibid, p. 84.

[1573] Ibid, pp. 95-96.

[1574] Cf ibid, pp. 110, 111.

[1575] Ibid, p. 103.

[1576] Ibid, p. 105.

[1577] Ibid, p. 110.

[1578] Ibid, p. 111.

[1579] Ibid, p. 112.

[1580] Ibid, p. 116.

[1581] Ibid, p. 118.

[1582] Ibid, p. 120.

[1583] Ibid, p. 122.

[1584] Ibid, p. 121.

[1585] Cf ibid, p. 123.

[1586] Ibid, p. 124.

[1587] Ibid, p. 125.

[1588] Ibid, p. 126.

[1589] Ibid, p. 129.

[1590] Ibid.

[1591] Dpa, Scritti di Mons. G. De Piro, vol. I, p. 1.

[1592] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 51.

[1593] Ibid, p. 56.

[1594] Cf L. Attard, The Great Exodus (1918-1939), p. 112.

[1595] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1596] Three tables show the missionary initiatives (1) in various parts of the world (2) in Italy in particular and (3) at the Vatican. Attempts were also made to find out whether there was any missionary initiative both at the Capranica College and at the Gregorian University. As regards the former, the answer was always negative. In relation to the Gregorian University I myself met Fr Jesus Lopez Gay sj, lecturer and also ex dean of the Faculty of Missiology at the University, and the impression I got from him was that there was not any such movement during De Piro’s stay. Only that in 1929 Fr Monnens Sj had two missiology lectures a week. It was only after this that there came into existence the Faculty of Missiology (Cf also Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934).

[1597] Cf A., Mulders, Missionsgeschichte, Regensburg 1960, p. 361.

Cf also E. Louvet, Le Missions Catholiques au XIX siecle, Lille 1898, p. 412; L. Ballarin, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962, p. 18.

[1598] Cf F., Schwager, Die Katholische Heidenmission der Gegenwart in Zusammenhang mit ihrer grossen Vergangenheit, vol. 1: Das heimatliche Missionswesen, Steyl 1908, p. 25. J. Schmidlin, Manuale di Storia delle Missioni Cattoliche, translated by G.B.Tragella, vol. II, Milan 1928, p. 162. Lino Ballarin, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962, p. 17

[1599] Cf E., Schmid, Alle origini della missione dell’Africa Centrale, Rome 1971, p. 37.

[1600] Cf C., Bona, Eredi di una tradizione missionaria (A talk delivered to the Commissione Regionale per la cooperazione fra le Chiese di Liguria – Piemonte – Valle d’Aosta – Sardegna (18 June 1987).

[1601] Since De Piro lived between 1877 and 1933, this table makes reference only to those institutes which had been founded during the 19 or the first years of the 20 centuries.

[1602] In this table reference is only made to male institutes. Most of these institutes had the missionary work as their first apostolate. When not primarily missionary, they at least had work in territories dependent on Propaganda Fide (cf The Vatican Annuario Pontificio 1934 and the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, 1934).

[1603] These were the sources for the information contained in this Table: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, 10 vols, Rome 1974-2003; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria rerum, 350 anni al servizio delle missioni (1815-1972), III/1, III/2, ed., by J., Metzler, Rom-Freiburg-Wein 1973-1976; Ballarin Lino, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950; Schmidlin J., Manuale di storia delle missioni cattoliche, Milan 1927; Garcia Villoslada R., Los historiadores de las misiones. Origen y desarrollo de la historiografia misional, Bilbao 1956; Dalle Missioni alle Chiese locali (1846-1965), ed., by J. metzler, in Storia della Chiesa (fondata da A. Fliche –V. Martin), Milan, 1990; Dalacroix S., Histoire universelle des missions catholiques. III, Les Missions contemporaines (1800-1957), Paris 1958; Montalban F.X., Manual de Historia de las Misiones, Pamplona 1952; Bona C., La rinascita missionaria in italia. Dalle “Amicizie” cristiane all’Opera della Propagazione della Fede, Turin 1964; Latourette K.S., A History of the Expansion of Christianity, 7 vols., New York 1937-1945; Saldanha J., Patterns of Evangelisation in Mission History, Bombay 1988; Comby J., Duemila anni di evangelizzazzion. Storia dell’espansione cristiana, Turin 1994; Masson J., Les missions au premier Concile du Vatican, in Eglise Vivante IV/1 (1962) 38-47; P. Mondreganes, Las misiones en las actas dl Concilio Vaticano, in Eunte Docete 1(1948).

[1604] It has been important to have a look at the missionary movement in Italy because of the influence this country has always had on Malta and the Maltese in whatever aspect. Also, De Piro has spent four years studying in Rome (1898-1902).

[1605]G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol 1, Milan 1950, pp. 10-11. Cf also Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, vol VII, Rome 1983, pp. 2034-2035.

[1606] G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol 1, Milan 1950, p. 11.

[1607] Ibid, p. 12.

[1608] These were the sources for the information contained in this Table: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; the Annuario Missionario Italiano, Unione missionaria del clero in Italia, Rome 1932; Beltrami S., L’Opera della Propagazione della fede in Italia, Rome 1961; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Dizionario degli Istituti di Perfezione, ed., by Guerrino Pelliccia and Giancarlo Rocca, 10 vols, Rome 1974-2003; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria Rerum, vol III/1 (1815-1972), Vatican City 1972; Ballarin Lino, L’Anima Missionaria di Guido Maria Conforti, Parma 1962; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950.

[1609] Information contained in this Table has been acquired from: the Annuario Pontificio, Vatican City 1933; the Guida delle Missioni Cattoliche, Unione Missionaria del Clero, Rome 1934; New Catholic Encyclopedia, 15 vols, New York 1967; Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide: Memoria rerum, 350 anni al servizio delle missioni (1815-1972), III/1, III/2, ed., by J., Metzler, Rom-Freiburg-Wein 1973-1976; Tragella Giovanni B., Le Missioni estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, 3 vols, Milan 1950.

[1610] Cf B. Arens, Handbuch der Catholischen Missionen, Freiburg im B. IX. 1925, pp. 327-328.

[1611] Cf Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 177-178.

[1612] Cf UMCI, Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 173-176. G.B. Tragella, Le Missioni Estere di Milano nel quadro degli avvenimenti contemporanei, vol. 1, Milan 1950, p. 8.

Henrion, Storia Universale delle Missioni Cattoliche dal sec. XIII ai tempi nostri, translated in Italian, 2 vols, Turin 1846. P. Wittman, La gloria della Chiesa nelle sue Missioni dall’epoca dello scisma nella fede, translated in Italian, 2 vols, Milan 1842-1843. T.W. Marshall, Le missioni Cattoliche, translated into Italian by L. de Vaziers, 3 vols, Naples 1868. Cf also Lettere Edificanti, 18 vols, 1825-1829. Rho, La fecondità della Chiesa romana proposta all’eterodosso nelle missioni indiane, Brescia 1818.

[1613] Cf UMCI, Annuario Missionario Italiano, 1932, pp. 173-176.

cf also C. Bona, Il Servo di Dio, Giuseppe Allamano e un secolo di movimento missionario in Piemonte, Turin 1960, p. 6. M; lodovici, Il movimento missionario in Italia nel sec. XIX, unpublished doctoral thesis, Sacred Heart University, Milan 1952, pp. 46-49.

[1614] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 171.

[1615] Cf ibid.

[1616] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, Malta 1938, p. 201.

[1617] Cf ibid.

[1618] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 201-205; L. A. Grasso, Alphonse Maria Galea, pp. 140-143; Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 171-173; J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, pp. 225-227.

[1619] Cf La Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta. Year 1 – 1933, pp. 82-89.

[1620] Cf ibid.

[1621] Cf ibid.

[1622] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 172.

[1623] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 506.

[1624] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 48-49.

[1625] Ibid.

[1626] Cf Archives of Propaganda Fide (APF), Scritture originali riferite nelle Congregazioni Generali, vol. 968, pp. 27-78.

[1627] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 53-54.

[1628] Ibid.

[1629] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507.

[1630] Cf E. Schmid, Alle origini Della Missione Dell’Africa Centrale, pp. 53-58.

[1631] Cf Sacra Congregatio pro Causis Sanctorum (SCCS), Danielis Comboni, Positio Super Virtutibus, Informatio, p. 104.

[1632] Cf ibid.

[1633] APF, Decree of erection of the Vicariate, , Lettere, Decreti, Biglietti, v. 333, ff. 286-287. Brief in Jus Pont. V, p. 361, n. CCLXVIII.

Cf E. Schmid, L’Erezione del vicariato apostolico dell’Africa Centrale (1846), in Euntes Docete XXII (1969) pp. 99-127, XXIII (1970) pp. 87-110; M. Storme, Origine du vicariat apostolique de l’Afrique Centrale, in NeueZeitshrift für Missionswissenschaft, Schoneck (1952), pp. 105-118; E. Toniolo, La Missione Cattolica dell’Africa Centrale e i missionari italiani, Roma 1956 (Extract from Italia in Africa, vol. 1).

[1634] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507.

In fact Ryllo is considered as the founder of the mission of Central Africa. Born in Podozosco, Poland, in 31 December 1802, he joined the Jesuits in 1820 and became priest in 1833. He was in various countries of the Middle East (1836-1843). In 1844 he was chosen as rector of the Propaganda College, Rome, and in 1847 Provicar of the Mission of Central Africa. He died there on 17 June 1848.

[1635] Cf A. Mifsud, Bishop Annetto Casolani, in Heritage, Part 26, August 1979, p. 507.

[1636] Cf ibid, pp. 506-508. Cf also Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 230-231.

[1637] Cf A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 206-207.

[1638] This information was mainly acquired from A. Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, vol. II, pp. 60-224. Here are included those missionaries who had been in the missions for some time and then returned to Malta. Also, here are included those countries known during those years as missionary by Propaganda Fide. It would have been useful to split each class of missionaries and put down the individual names of the missionaries, with the place where they served. It was only the lack of time that kept me back from doing this.

[1639] Pp. 65-66.

[1640] J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, p. 152.

[1641] Cf ibid, pp. 143-144; 1927, pp. 183-184; 1929, pp. 240-242; 1930, pp. 256-258.

[1642] Cf ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129; 1926, pp. 136, 151-152, 153; 1927, pp. 164-166, 183-184; 1928, pp. 191, 203-209, 441; 1929, p. 250; 1930, pp. 256-258; 1931, p. 303.

[1643] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1644] Ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[1645] Cf ibid, 1930, p. 288.

[1646] Ibid.

[1647] Ibid, 1925, p. 128.

[1648] Ibid, 1928, p. 199.

[1649] Ibid, p. 199.

[1650] Cf Ibid, p. 213.

[1651] Ibid, p. 197.

[1652] Ibid, p. 213.

[1653] Ibid, 1925, pp. 128-129.

[1654] Ibid, 1928, p. 199.

[1655] Ibid.

[1656] Ibid.

[1657] Ibid, 1925, p. 129.

[1658] Ibid, 1926, p. 151.

[1659] Ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436.

[1660] Ibid, 1926, p. 152.

[1661] Ibid, 1924, p. 28; 1926, pp. 151,152; 1929, p. 249; 1930, p. 288; 1933, p. 436.

[1662] Ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[1663] Ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436.

[1664] Ibid, 1933, pp. 435-436.

[1665] Ibid, 1927, p. 184.

[1666] Ibid, 1929, pp. 240-242.

[1667] Ibid, 1931, pp. 332-333.

[1668] Ibid, p. 332.

[1669] Ibid, 1929, pp. 240-242.

[1670] Ibid, p. 242.

[1671] Ibid, 1932, p. 376.

[1672] Ibid, p. 392.

[1673] A Mizzi, L’Apostolato Maltese, pp. 65-66.

[1674] Cf p. 267 of this thesis.

[1675] Cf p. 267 of this thesis.

[1676] Cf p. 272- 272 of this thesis.

[1677] Cf pp. 231, 275, of this thesis.

[1678] Cf p. 266 of this thesis.

[1679] Cf ibid

[1680] Cf p. 268 of this thesis.

[1681] Cf p. 269 of this thesis.

[1682] Cf p. 271 of this thesis.

[1683] Cf p. 272 of this thesis.

[1684] Cf p. 273 of this thesis.

[1685] Cf p. 262 of this thesis.

[1686] Cf p. 272 of this thesis.

[1687] Cf ibid.

[1688] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 116.

[1689] Cf ibid, pp. 29, 37, 43, 57, 121.

[1690] Ibid, p. 31.

[1691] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo 1, p. 3.

[1692] Ibid, p. 4.

[1693] Ibid, p. 16.

[1694] J. De Piro, St Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions,1928, p. 188.

[1695] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Monsinjur G. De Piro, p. 1.

[1696] Ibid.

[1697] Ibid.

[1698] Ibid.

[1699] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1700] Ibid.

[1701] Cf The cover pages of St Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, from 1926 onwards.

[1702] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1703] Ibid.

[1704] Cf ibid, vol. III, Mixxellanea, pp. 2-3.

[1705] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[1706] Ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[1707] Ibid, p. 3.

[1708] Ibid, p. 4.

[1709] Cf ibid.

[1710] Cf ibid, vol. III. Mixxellanea, pp. 4-5.

[1711] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[1712] Cf ibid, vol. IV. Mixxellanea, p. 4.

[1713] Ibid, vol. III. Mixxellanea, p. 7.

[1714] Cf ibid, vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 8ff.

[1715] Ibid, p. 62.

[1716] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195.

[1717] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8.

[1718] Cf ibid, vol. III. Ohrajn lil Monsinjur De Piro. p. 11.

[1719] Ibid.

[1720] Cf J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929 pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933 p. 438.

[1721] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 195. Cf also Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. III. Ohrajn lill-Fundatur, p. 17.

[1722] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1828, p. 195; 1929, pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1723] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondnza), vol. IV. Mixxellanea, p. 5.

[1724] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Monsinjur G De Piro, pp. 8-9.

[1725] Cf ibid, pp. 90-91.

[1726] Ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 6-7.

[1727] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G De Piro, pp. 20-21.

[1728] Cf ibid, pp. 21-43.

[1729] Cf ibid, pp. 40-41.

[1730] Ibid, p. 41.

[1731] Cf ibid, pp. 44-53.

[1732] Ibid, p. 51.

[1733] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 27-33. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 260-264.

[1734] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 53-55.

[1735] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 62-64.

[1736] Cf ibid, p. 63.

[1737] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 57.

[1738] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 108. Cf also ibid, vol, I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 63.

[1739] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 70-74.

[1740] Cf ibid.

[1741] Cf ibid, pp. 74-76.

[1742] Cf ibid, p. 110.

[1743] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69.

[1744] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 83-84.

[1745] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 70.

[1746] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 114-115. Cf also ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 71-72.

[1747] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 116.

[1748] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 73-74.

[1749] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 65a.

[1750] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[1751] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[1752] Cf ibid, vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 117-118.

[1753] Cf ibid, vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 75.

[1754] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1934, p. 455.

[1755] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-23.

[1756] Ibid, p. 15.

[1757] Ibid, p. 3.

[1758] Ibid, p. 15.

[1759] Ibid, p. 15.

[1760] Ibid, p. 15.

[1761] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[1762] Cf ibid, pp. 21-22.

[1763] Ibid, p. 15.

[1764] Ibid, p. 16.

[1765] Cf 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[1766] Ps 127: 1.

Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text, Facsicolo I, p. 3; Fascicolo II, p. 3; Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[1767] Ibid, Facsicolo I, p. 16.

[1768] Ibid, pp. 15-16.

[1769] Ibid, p. 16.

[1770] Ibid, p. 16.

[1771] Cf ibid.

[1772] Ibid.

[1773] Ibid.

[1774] Ibid.

[1775] Ibid.

[1776] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 22.

[1777] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh. Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxelanea, pp. 1, 2-3. the collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s , Rabat, Malta (Cf Dpa, Sketches). cf also pp. 10- 11 of this thesis.

[1778] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-3l. Cf also p. 9 of this thesis.

[1779] Cf footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[1780] Cf Dpa, Family tree of the De Piro family, still found in the De Piro Archives.

[1781] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro – D’Amico – Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and thousands of thousands of Maltese liri. Cf also The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[1782] At the time of Joseph De Piro the nobility had an important role in the civil administration of Malta. Cf Frendo, Henry, Storja ta’ Malta, Zmien l-Inglizi – Is-Seklu Dsatax, Malta 2004, pp. 242-246.

[1783] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n12. Cf also pp. 11- 11 of this thesis.

[1784] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 5-6.

[1785] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also pp. 17- 20 of this thesis.

[1786] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p. 17 of this thesis.

[1787] Cf ibid.

[1788] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p. 63 of this thesis.

[1789] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also p. 18 of this thesis.

[1790] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1791] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1; Dpa, Korrispondenza, Vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[1792] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also pp. 17- 20 of this thesis.

[1793] Cf ibid.

[1794] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2, 3. Cf also Dpa, Vokazzjoni. pp. 2-4. Cf also p. 20 of this thesis.

[1795] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p. 20 of this thesis.

[1796] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p. 21- 22 of this thesis.

[1797] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p. 22 of this thesis.

[1798] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p. 22- 24 of this thesis.

[1799] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[1800] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[1801] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also pp. 53- 53 of this thesis.

[1802] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a. Cf also p. 54 of this thesis.

[1803] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-11. Cf also pp. 54- 56 of this thesis.

[1804] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, pp. 1, 33. Cf also p. 56 of this thesis.

[1805] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, p. 45, n. 20. Cf also p. 56 of this thesis.

[1806] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 47-57.

[1807] Cf ibid, pp. 47-57.

[1808] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1809] Cf AAM, Correspondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also pp. 53- 53 of this thesis.

[1810] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1811] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[1812] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[1813] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 25.

[1814] Cf ibid, p. 141.

[1815] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[1816] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 10.

[1817]Cf ibid, p. 11.

[1818] Ibid, pp. 12-13.

[1819] Cf ibid, p. 34.

[1820] Cf ibid, p. 28. Cf also p. 58 of this thesis.

[1821] Ibid, p. 28.

[1822] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38.

[1823] Cf ibid.

[1824] Ibid, p. 88.

[1825] Ibid, p. 41.

[1826] Ibid, p. 48.

[1827] ibid, p. 50.

[1828] Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 30.

[1829] Ibid, p. 36.

[1830] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1058.

[1831] Cf ibid, p. 1005.

[1832] Cf ibid, p. 1023.

[1833] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[1834] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1835] Cf ibid, pp. 1-2.

[1836] Ibid, p. 3.

[1837] Ibid, p. 6.

[1838] Ibid.

[1839] Cf pp. 537 - 543 of this thesis.

[1840] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 31.

[1841] Cf Appendix 5, pp. 537 - 543

[1842] Cf ibid.

[1843] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I, pp. 20, 49, 77, 92, 131, 133, 134, 140, 145, 146 (four times), 149, 150, 151, 153, 160 (three times); vol. 1I, pp. 167, 174, 195, 206, 207 (bis), 222, 227 (four times), 251, 254; vol. III, pp. 294, 380, 386, 389, 390, 398 (bis), 419.

[1844] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1, 4. Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I, pp. 132, 134-135, 141, 149, 150 (bis), 153 (bis), 154, vol. III, p. 394.

[1845] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. I, pp. 77, 92-96, 114-116. Vol. II, p. 251.

[1846] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 127, 131, 132 (bis), 133, 134-135,

140, 141, 149, 150 (bis), 153 (bis), 154, 160-161.

[1847] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207

[1848] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[1849] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 152.

[1850] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1925, p. 129; 1929, p. 249; 1926, pp. 151, 152; 1930, p. 288; 1933, p. 436 (bis).

[1851] Cf . p. 33 of this thesis.

[1852] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, pp. 64-72.

[1853] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 65-66

[1854] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[1855] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 247, 253, 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1087, 1090, 1112. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 34, 54.

[1856] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 256; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 26.

[1857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 294. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1011, 1093, 1111, 1112, 1125.

[1858] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 74.

[1859] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo . 27 November 1929. p. 27b.

[1860] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 248, 250, 256, 284-285. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28-30, 75.

[1861] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 27b. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[1862] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a. Cf also The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256

[1863] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[1864] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 9, 11.

[1865] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[1866] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 9, 11, 12.

[1867] Cf ibid, p. 12. Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 7, 16-17, 31-32, 33-34, 67-68, 100, 101.

[1868] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[1869] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 32, 227, 232, 235, 243, 247, 253, 256. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1024-1026, 1087, 1090, 1112. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3, 34, 54.

[1870] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 190; Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 17, 19, 34, 37, 47, 49, 55, 100, 101, 112, 114, 121.

[1871] Cf p. 57 of this thesis.

[1872] Cf pp. 178- 179 of this thesis.

[1873] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81. Cf aslo pp. 95 -97 of this thesis.

[1874] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[1875] Cf ibid, p. 991. Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof Li Habbu Kulhadd, Malta 1982, p. 203. Cf also pp. 44 - 45, 199- 208 of this thesis.

[1876] Cf pp. 208-210 of this thesis.

[1877] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189. Cf also p. 45 of this thesis.

[1878] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols.

[1879] Cf Dp, The 1988-992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[1880] Cf ibid, p. 1082.

[1881] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024; Dpa, St Joseph’s Home, Malta: Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione, pp. 1ff.

[1882] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[1883] Cf ibid, p. 227. Cf also the photoes attached to p. 257 .

[1884] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[1885] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[1886] Cf ibid, 1923, pp. 51, 56; 1930, pp. 266-267.

[1887] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66.

[1888] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[1889] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[1890] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110; vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[1891] Cf ibid, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[1892]Cf p. 216 of this thesis.

[1893] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. 1I, pp. 174, 207, 222, 227. Vol. III, p. 419.

[1894] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 227.

[1895] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 20, 92. Vol. II, pp. 206, 207. Vol. III, p. 398.

[1896] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 146.

[1897] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 398.

[1898] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 160.

[1899] Cf ibid, p. 160.

[1900] Cf ibid, p. 146.

[1901] Cf ibid.

[1902] Cf ibid, p. 145.

[1903] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 227.

[1904] Cf ibid, p. 227.

[1905] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 77.

[1906] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 389.

[1907] Cf ibid, vol. 1, p. 77.

[1908] Cf ibid.

[1909] Cf ibid.

[1910] Cf ibid.

[1911]Cf ibid, p. 78.

[1912] Cf ibid.

[1913] Cf ibid, p. 79.

[1914] Cf ibid, p. 94.

[1915] Cf ibid, p. 108.

[1916] Cf ibid, p. 109.

[1917] Cf ibid.

[1918] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[1919] Cf ibid, p. 112.

[1920] Cf ibid, p. 114.

[1921] Cf ibid, p. 92.

[1922] Cf ibid, p. 93.

[1923] Cf ibid, p. 94.

[1924] Cf ibid, p. 95.

[1925] Cf ibid, p. 115.

[1926] Cf ibid, p. 116.

[1927] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also pp. 17- 18 of this thesis.

[1928] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also pp. 18-19 of this thesis.

[1929] The first one he did in order to decide about his vocation.

[1930] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2. Cf also pp. 18 - 19 of this thesis.

[1931] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[1932] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[1933] Ibid, p. 3.

[1934] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[1935] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1936] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9.

[1937] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf also pp. 51 - 52 of this thesis.

[1938] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf also p. 51 - 52 of this thesis.

[1939] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesu Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[1940] Cf ibid.

[1941] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[1942] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 12ff.

[1943] Cf ibid, pp. 13-20.

[1944] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[1945] Ibid, p. 24b.

[1946] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[1947] Ibid, p. 919.

[1948] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[1949] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 7-9.

[1950] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p.975.

[1951] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 36, 69, 75.

[1952] Cf Dpa, Frangiskani tal-Qalb ta’ Gesù - Sorijiet tan-Nuzzo, pp. 2-8.

[1953] Cf AAM, Corrispondence, 1933, n. 20, De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27. Cf also ibid, 1924-1925, n. 71, M. Guzeppina Curmi – Caruana, 28 December 1924. Dpa, Institut Gesù Nazzarenu –Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68, iii. Ibid, p. 68, viii-68 xxviii. Ibid, p. 68, xi-68xiii.

[1954] Cf E. Bonnici, Mons. Kan. Prof. F. Bonnici, Malta 1955, p. 21. Cf also Idem, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[1955] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija, p. 57. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 56-101. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114-121. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 449, 453-454, 1062. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 19. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 242-244, 246-248, 252-254, 255-259. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3-5, 14, 27, 32, 52, 54, 57, 59.

[1956] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, p. 9.

[1957] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[1958] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[1959] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80. Cf also pp. 44 -45 of this thesis.

[1960] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p. 43 of this thesis.

[1961] Cf Malta Government, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[1962] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p. 44 of this thesis.

[1963] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also p. 44 of this thesis.

[1964] Cf pp. 44, 45, 201- 208 of this thesis.

[1965] Cf pp. 243-244, 250- 252, 256- 258 of this thesis.

[1966] Cf pp. 253- 254 of this thesis.

[1967] Cf Dpa, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[1968] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu (Unpublished Manuscript), VIII, pp. 4-10.

[1969] Cf pp. 258- 259 of this thesis.

[1970] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[1971] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66. Cf also pp. 260- 262 of this thesis.

[1972] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[1973] Cf pp. 232- 235 of this thesis.

[1974] Cf pp. 300- 300, 302- 303 of this thesis.

[1975] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 3b. Cf also pp. 303- 306 of this thesis.

[1976] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227.

[1977] Unfortunately the many letters written by De Piro to Br Joseph Caruana did not reach us. We can conclude that the Founder did write many letters to Cauana from the many others the latter wrote to the Servant of God (cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1ff.

[1978] Cf pp. 308- 309 of this thesis.

[1979] Cf p. 235 of this thesis.

[1980] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3. Cf also p. 22 of this thesis.

[1981] Cf p. 329 of this thesis.

[1982] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-4.

De Piro wished to talk to Vssallo even about the foundation of the Society, but this same foundation was to happen at St Joseph’s, Malta, where the Servant of God wished to live with Vassallo (cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2).

[1983] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-4.

[1984] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 4.

[1985] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[1986]Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[1987] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 8.

[1988] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9, 11.

[1989] Ibid, p. 11.

[1990] Cf Personal files, nos. 1, 2. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[1991] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6.

[1992] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 10.

[1993] Cf CIC (1917) 580, 582, 594. Cf also S. Woywood, A Practical Commenatary on the Code of Canon Law. vol. I, p. 246, n. 504.

[1994] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 54.

[1995] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 13-15.

[1996] Ibid, p. 14.

[1997] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 11.

[1998] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, pp. 9-10, art. 10.

[1999] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 116.

[2000] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[2001] Cf Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 201.

[2002] Cf ibid, p. 454.

[2003] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 252.

[2004] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2005] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2006] Cf pp. 44 of this thesis.

[2007] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 6.

[2008] Ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2009] Cf Ibid, p. 18, n. 18

[2010] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[2011] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12. Cf pp. 51- 52 of this thesis.

[2012] Cf Appendix 4 (cf pp. 535-536 of this thesis

[2013] Cf Dpa, Appuntamenti Varji, p. 16.

[2014] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 9b, 10-11.

[2015] Cf ibid, p. 4, nos. 1, 4, 5, 6.

[2016] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20.

[2017] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20.

[2018] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 2.

[2019] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2020] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2021] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 4.

[2022] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4.

[2023] Cf ibid, pp. 1, 4, 13.

[2024] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[2025] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[2026] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, Malta 1975, p. 276.

[2027] On 18 November 1932 and 21 February 1933.

[2028] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament (PDS3), 21 February 1932, p. 495.

[2029] Cf ibid, pp. 495-496.

[2030] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[2031] Cf ibid, p. 496.

[2032] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[2033] Cf Appendix 5 (cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[2034] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 239.

[2035] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 9.

[2036] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 240.

[2037] Ibid.

[2038] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 11. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 12-15d, 23. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 25, 28-31, 33-38, 39-40, 41-54.

[2039] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2040] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’Paula, p. 38a; E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn Fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8, 8-9.

[2041] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 6; S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija, p. 57. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 451, 457, 745.

[2042] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 115, 275, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 450-451a, 451, 457, 463-464, 745, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[2043] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 807.

[2044] Cf ibid, p. 1012.

[2045] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[2046] Cf ibid, pp. 983, 1003.

[2047] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[2048] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 6.

[2049] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 41- 42, 53, 68, 88.

[2050] Cf ibid, pp. 35-38. The 1987 Testimonies, p. 235.

[2051] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2052] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[2053] Cf ibid, pp. 5-6.

[2054] Cf ibid, pp. 2, 4, 5, 7, 8.

[2055] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 9, 12.

[2056] Cf ibid, pp. 9, 11, 12

[2057] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2058] Cf ibid, pp. 3, 9-11.

[2059] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 47-49, 52-53, 54-55, 56, 71, 73.

[2060] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 8, 14, 15, 16-17, 22, 23, 24, 31-32, 33-34, 67-68, 100, 101

[2061] Cf ibid, pp. 78, 81, 82, 83-86, 91, 97, 98, 108,

[2062] Cf ibid, pp. 9, 13, 25 ,

[2063] Cf ibid, pp. 37-38, 74, 76, 99, 103-104, 121, 124-125, 126, 129, 134, 141, 142, 145, 167-168,

[2064] Cf ibid, pp. 29, 30, 40-43, 58, 59, 60, 95-96, 105, 107, 110, 111, 112, 122, 123, 127, 130, 131, 132, 137-138, 143, 146, 147, 148-149, 150, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 162-163, 164, 166, 169, 170-171

[2065] Cf ibid, p. 119

[2066] Cf ibid, pp. 17, 92; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 147, 152, 244, 245, 968, 1013.

[2067] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 294, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 17, 19.

[2068] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Acta Provincialia, 2 November 1923, p324. Cf also Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Registro per le Circolari, Ubidienze, Testimoniali, Dimissoriali, Brevi Celebratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[2069] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 69; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testrimonies, p. 1013. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 22

[2070] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 46; Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[2071] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 80.

[2072] Cf ibid, p. 151; J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 24; 1923, pp. 58, 69; 1924, p. 82; 1926, pp. 149, 153, 156; 1928, pp. 190, 193, 197, 199-200, 204, 207, 214; 1929, p. 230, 237, 242, 244; 1930, pp. 252, 258, 260-264, 274; 1930, pp. 284, 286, 289; 1931, pp. 312, 319, 323, 333, 334, 336,

339-340; 1932, pp. 385, 394, 441, 442.

[2073] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[2074] Cf ibid, p. 1133.

[2075] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2076] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[2077] Cf ibid, pp. 2-3.

[2078] Cf ibid.

[2079] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2080] Cf ibid.

[2081] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 3

[2082] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[2083] Cf ibid.

[2084] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[2085] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[2086] Cf ibid, pp. 12, 13.

[2087] Cf ibid , pp. 15-16.

[2088] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2089] Cf ibid , pp. 9-18.

[2090] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2091] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2092] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[2093] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2094] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2095] Cf ibid.

[2096] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[2097] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2098] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis). Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 2a-b, 11a.

[2099] Cf for example The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 968.

[2100] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[2101] Cf ibid, pp. 10-13.

[2102] Cf ibid, pp. 12-13.

[2103] Cf ibid, p. 14.

[2104] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[2105] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[2106] Ibid, p. 25a.

[2107] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1031.

[2108] Ibid, p. 1004.

[2109] Cf Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu, pp. 15-18, 21-23.

[2110] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20. Cf also The 1987 Tesimonies. p. 236.

[2111] Cf Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti lilu, pp. 4-14. cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 919-920.

[2112] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 28, 236.

[2113] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 26a.

[2114] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 13.

[2115] Cf Dpa, Testment sigriet, p. 9.

[2116] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67, 68.

[2117] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 25b.

[2118] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 9.

[2119] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2120] Cf ibid.

[2121] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2122] Cf ibid, p. 65.

[2123] The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1046.

[2124] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula. pp. 67-68.

[2125] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 31.

[2126] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[2127] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 25b-26a.

[2128] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. Front cover. 1923. Front cover. 1924. Front cover. 1925. Front cover. 1926. Front cover. 1927. Front cover. 1929. Back cover. 1931. Front and back cover. 1932. Front and back cover. 1933. Front and back cover.

[2129] Cf ibid, 1929, pp. 20, 23; 1930. pp. 4, 6, 22; 1932, p. 43; 1933, p. 24.

[2130] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[2131] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68.

[2132] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 25b.

[2133] Cf ibid, p. 25b.

[2134] Ibid, p. 25b.

[2135] Cf ibid, pp. 27a-28a.

[2136] Cf ibid, p. 28a.

[2137] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 15d, 23. Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 29, 34, 35.

[2138] Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 68.

[2139] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[2140] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 2.

[2141] Cf ibid, pp. 1-2.

[2142] Ibid, p. 1, n. 5.

[2143] Cf pp. 216, 335 of this thesis.

[2144] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 77-121. Cf also pp. 217- 219, 336- 337 of this thesis.

[2145] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 127-164.

[2146] Cf ibid, pp. 127-164.

[2147] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 174-175; vol. III, pp. 342, 343, 369, 370, 371.

[2148] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, pp. 90-91.

[2149] Ibid, p. 90.

[2150] Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[2151] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42.

[2152] Ibid, pp. 52, 84.

[2153] Ibid, pp. 16, 85.

[2154] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1036.

[2155] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3, Fascicolo II, p3, Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[2156] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2157] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 67-68. Cf also Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, pp. 35-40.

[2158] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p, 4, n. 2.

[2159] Ibid, p. 16.

[2160] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2161] Cf ibid, pp. 39-40.

[2162] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240, 244, 257-258.

[2163] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[2164] Ibid, p. 805.

[2165] Ibid, pp. 745-746.

[2166] Cf ibid, pp. 443, 805.

[2167] Dp, The GozoTestimonies, p. 42.

[2168] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1043.

[2169] Ibid, p. 1044.

[2170] Ibid, p. 1053.

[2171] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2172] Ibid, p. 1057.

[2173] Ibid, p. 1078.

[2174] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mons. Guzeppi De Piro, vol. II, p. 47.

[2175] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 47.

[2176] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2177] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024

[2178] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[2179] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2180] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2181] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 173-174.

[2182] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[2183] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1024, 1060, 1099.

[2184] Cf Anon, Il-Hajja tas-Sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, p. 23.

[2185] Cf AAM, 1933, n. 20. De Piro – Caruana, 21 May 1933, p. 27.

[2186] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu. Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 68i – 68xxxiii

[2187] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 22-23, 24-26, 27-33. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-235, 911-947, 1078-1081.

[2188] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 10-13. Cf also pp. 133, 352 of this thesis.

[2189] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p, 14. Cf also p. 133 of this thesis.

[2190] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 48. Cf also pp. 56, 134, of this thesis.

[2191] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2192] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 105

[2193] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[2194] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2195] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7

[2196] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107. Cf also p. 179 of this thesis.

[2197] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81.

[2198] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[2199] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1.

[2200] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2201] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[2202] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2203] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2204] Cf Al. Bonnici, Mgr Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, Malta 1988, pp. 264-266.

[2205] Cf Parliamentary Debates. 3 Parliament. 21 February 1933. pp. 495-498.

[2206] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p. 135 of this thesis.

[2207] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109. Cf also p. 198 of this thesis.

[2208] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 5.

[2209] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[2210] Cf ibid, p. 20. Cf also pp. 27- 29 of this thesis.

[2211] Cf Dpa, Dekan, p. 25. Cf also pp. 35- 36 of this thesis.

[2212] Cf Appendix or chart

[2213] MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9. Cf also p. 43 of this thesis.

[2214] Cf Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919,a nd into the circumstances which led up to these events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta, Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 6. PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[2215] Ibid.

[2216] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp. 44- 45 of this thesis.

[2217] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp. 201- 208 of this thesis.

[2218] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, p. 189.

[2219] Cf R. Farrugia Randon, Sir Filippo Sceberras: His Life and Times, p. 114. Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, p. 297.

[2220] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[2221] Cf Table 5 (Cf p. 87 of this thesis).

[2222] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024. Cf also Dpa, Esami Conferme e Prima Comunione. pp. 1ff

[2223] Cf pp. 258- 259, 247- 254, of this thesis.

[2224] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 309-310.

[2225] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[2226] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 310.

[2227] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2228] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[2229] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2230] Ibid, p. 204.

[2231] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 310.

[2232] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), pp. 51-101.

[2233] Cf ibid, pp. 75, 78, 79, 84, 88, 89, 94, 98, 99, 100.

[2234] Cf ibid, pp. 76, 79, 84, 89, 95.

[2235] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[2236] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 204.

[2237] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[2238] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2239] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 83.

[2240] Cf ibid, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2241] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 8.

[2242] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2243] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 5-6.

[2244] Cf ibid, pp. 80-89.

[2245] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1068.

[2246] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[2247] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[2248] Cf Dpa, Istitu ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 2, 3-7.

[2249] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8

[2250] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9.

[2251] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp1ff; vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-6, 7-89, 96-107, 108-119.

[2252] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp3-4. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 221-227. Cf also pp. 232- 235 of this thesis.

[2253] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 8; vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. De Piro, pp11, 17; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 5. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 195; 1929 pp. 236-237; 1930 p. 274; 1931 pp. 323, 338; 1932 pp. 371-372; 1933 p. 438.

[2254] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 1. cf also pp. 57, 173-176 of this thesis.

[2255] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 13a.

[2256] Cf ibid, pp. 11a, 12b.

[2257] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 276.

[2258] Cf Appendix 4 (cf pp. 535-536 of this thesis).

[2259] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2260] Cf p. 229 of this thesis.

[2261] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 3; 1923. pp. 2-3, 50, 51-52, 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 229-230; 1931, pp. 304-312. Cf also pp. 230- 232 of this thesis.

[2262] Cf pp. 232- 234 of this thesis.

[2263] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 3; 1923. pp. 2-3, 50, 51-52, 56; 1927, pp. 168-170; 1929, pp. 229-230; 1931, pp. 304-312.

[2264] Cf ibid, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[2265] Cf ibid, 1923. p. 33.

[2266] Cf ibid, 1922, pp. 12, 14, 20, 22; 1923, pp. 36, 44-45, 51, 54, 68; 1924, pp. 79, 82, 91; 1925, pp. 111, 123-125, 128-129, back cover; 1926, pp. 136, 143-144, 156, back cover; 1927, pp. 164-166, 168-170, 172, 174; 180, 183-184; 1928, pp. 190-191, 193, 197, 203-204, 207, 209, 211, 213-214; 1929, pp. 221-227, 232, 233, 230-242, 244, 246, 249-250; 1930, front cover, pp. 256-258, 260-264, 267, 267 (note), 269-270, 272-274, 273 (photo), 276, 277, 280-281, 283-284, 286, 288-290; 1931, front cover, pp. 300, 304-312, 314, 318, 320, 321, 323, 324-325, 330 (note), 332, 333, 335-336, 338, 339-340, 344; 1932, pp. 361, 364-365, 367-368, 370-372, 374-375, 376, 378, 379-380, 384-385, 387, 389-390, 392, 394, 395; 1933, pp. 407-420, 421, 423, 427, 429-430, 434, 438, 440- 441, 442.

[2267] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 799

[2268] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also pp. 51- 52 of this thesis.

[2269] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also p. 90 of this thesis.

[2270] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p12. Cf also pp. 90 of this thesis.

[2271] Cf Malta. 19 April 1927. p. 2.

[2272] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20.

[2273] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2274] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[2275] Cf ibid.

[2276] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 98–100, 110-111.

[2277] Cf ibid, pp. 110-111.

[2278] Cf ibid, pp. 105, 111-112, 116-117, 118, 120, 123.

[2279] Cf ibidr, p. 126. For De Piro’s perseverance in relation to the Society’s foundation and first years, cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 43.

[2280] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 43.

[2281] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[2282] Cf Reports of the Commission appointed to inquire into the Events of the 7 and 8 June 1919, and into the circumstances which led up to these events, 18 and 19 September 1919, Malta, Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 6. PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[2283] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp. 44, 201-208 of this thesis.

[2284] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115. Cf also pp. 200 -208 of this thesis.

[2285] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 991; Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof Li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 203. Cf also pp. 208- 209 of this thesis.

[2286] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[2287] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543of this thesis).

[2288] The first three Houses were in Mdina. The first House was in St Roque Street. Then they went to part of Xara Palace, in St Paul’s Street. Lastly they found a House in Celsi Street, today’s Mesquita Street. The celebration of St Agatha’s foundation stone was on 3 October 1932. The first part of this House was opened and blessed on 30 June 1933.

[2289] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057, 1062.

[2290] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[2291] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30.

[2292] Cf ibid, p. 29.

[2293] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 984.

[2294] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[2295] Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2296] Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[2297] Cf ibid, p. 22.

[2298] Cf ibid , p. 22.

[2299] Ibid , p. 4, n. 2.

[2300] Ibid , p. 16.

[2301] ibid, p. 43.

[2302] Dpa, Laboratorio Sacro Cuore di Gesù: Cassa, p. 1.

[2303] Ibid, pp. 1, 3, 4.

[2304] Cf Dpa, Registro della Dispensa, p. 1. In this petty cash book there were recorded the cooking income and expenditure of the first members for the years 1921 up to 1925.

[2305] Cf Dpa, Spesa Giornaliera della Piccola Casa di San Paolo, p. 1. This cash book includes the petty income and expenditure of the first nine years of the Society’s community.

[2306] Cf Dpa, Libro Cassa, p. 1. Here one finds the petty income and expenditure of the first members for the years 1923 up to 1941.

[2307] Cf Dpa, Educandato Santa Maria, Oratorio, B’Cara – Registro Primo, pp. 1, 3.

[2308] Cf Dpa, Borsa di studio affidata alla Vergine Maria Assunta, pp. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

[2309] Cf Dpa, Procura, Missione d’Abissinia - Libro Cassa presso l’Economo Generale, pp. 1, 4, 5. Here one finds the income and expenditure related to the Society’s mission in Abyssinia, for the years 1927 up to 1951. It is interesting to say that after 1933, and therefore after the death of the Founder, the members did not write these expressions any more.

[2310] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 13.

[2311] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2312] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[2313] Cf ibid, p. 23.

[2314] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[2315] Cf ibid, p. 46.

[2316] Cf ibid, p. 83.

[2317] Cf ibid, p. 84.

[2318] Cf ibid.

[2319] Cf ibid.

[2320] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascilo I, p. 1; Fascicolo II, p. 3; Fascicolo III, p. 5.

[2321] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 409-420.

[2322] Cf ibid, pp. 409-410.

[2323] Cf ibid, p. 412.

[2324] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1040.

[2325] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[2326] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1059.

[2327] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[2328] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133.

[2329] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-Familjari, p. 14.

[2330] Cf Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 19.

[2331] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp284-285. Cf also ibid, pp248, 250, 256. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[2332] Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 23.

[2333] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , 27 November 1929. p. 26b.

[2334] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 258.

[2335] Cf ibid.

[2336] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , 27 November 1929. p. 26b.

[2337] Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2338] Cf ibid, p. 85.

[2339] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 26b.

[2340] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzrenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2341] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 3-4.

[2342] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[2343] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[2344] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[2345] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 31, 110, 116.

[2346] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p6. Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 25; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[2347] Cf Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9, 9a.

[2348] Cf ibid, pp. 9b, 10-11.

[2349] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 10-11.

[2350] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-2.

[2351] At least since the foundation of the Society in 1910.

[2352] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-6.

[2353] Cf ibid, pp. 7-89.

[2354] Cf ibid, pp. 96-107.

[2355] Cf ibid, pp. 108-119.

[2356] Cf ibid, pp. 90-95.

[2357] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 1ff.

[2358] Cf Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 110. Cf also vol. I. Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, p. 69; vol. IV. Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[2359] Dpa, Fra Diegu. p. 29.

[2360] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1026.

[2361] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzrenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, pp. 1ff

[2362] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 995.

[2363] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 29.

[2364] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1088.

[2365] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67.

[2366] Cf ibid.

[2367] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 2.

[2368] Dpa, Vokazzjoni. p. 4

[2369] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[2370] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1098.

[2371] Cf ibid, p. 1096.

[2372] Cf ibid, pp. 1082, 1090.

[2373] Cf ibid, p. 1089.

[2374] Cf ibid, p. 1089.

[2375] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2376] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[2377] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[2378] Cf ibid, p. 1042

[2379] Dp ibid, p. 1082

[2380] Cf ibid, pp. 1089, 1090.

[2381] Cf pp. 201- 208 of this thesis.

[2382] The Editor, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Il Malta, 19 April 1927, p. 2.

[2383] Cf p. 335 of this thesis.

[2384] Cf pp. 336-337 of this thesis.

[2385] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2386] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2387] Cf pp. 203, 207 of this thesis.

[2388] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 85.

[2389] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu. p. 12.

[2390] Cf The Editor, Giubileo Sacerdotale, in Il Malta. 19 April 1927, p. 2

[2391] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[2392] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[2393] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[2394] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[2395] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975. Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[2396] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[2397] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 105.

[2398] Cf ibid, pp. 95-96.

[2399] Cf ibid, pp. 110, 111

[2400] Cf ibid. p. 110.

[2401] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[2402] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp73, 86; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 297

[2403] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 298.

[2404] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 8, 9, 11, 12.

[2405] Cf pp. 111- 111 of this thesis.

[2406] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1008.

[2407] Cf ibid, p. 1008.

[2408] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[2409] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992Testimonies, p. 968.

[2410] Ibid, p. 968.

[2411] Cf ibid, pp. 1058-1059

[2412] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 10-12.

[2413] Cf Dpa, pp. 13-14.

[2414] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[2415] Ibid.

[2416] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[2417] Cf ibid, p. 991.

[2418] Cf pp. 203, 207 of this thesis.

[2419] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[2420] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 2. Cf also Dpa, Vokazzjoni. pp. 2-4. Cf also pp.17 - 20 of this thesis.

[2421] Cf Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n. 2.

[2422] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 3.

[2423] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[2424] Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. III, p. 343.

[2425] Ibid p. 371.

[2426] Ibid p. 183.

[2427] Ibidp. 174.

[2428] Cf Appendix 2 (Cf pp. 526-529 of this thesis).

[2429] Cf ibid.

[2430] Cf ibid.

[2431] Cf ibid.

[2432] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5; p. 2, n. 2; p. 3, n. 3; p. 4, nos. 3, 4.

[2433] As regards the House for Babies at Santa Venera, Malta, and the St Francis de Paul Home, B’Kara, Malta, there are hardly any documents. Also, it was not possible for me to meet and interview persons who had been in any way in contact with the two Houses. Because of this the material about De Piro and these institutions is rare. This is the reason why in this section about Monsignor’s holistic attitude there are no references to these same Homes.

[2434] Dpa, Apprezzamenti u Ringrazzjamenti, p. 14.

[2435] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2436] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 14-20. Cf also p. 35 of this thesis.

[2437] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 15-16, n. 7.

[2438] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[2439] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[2440] Cf ibid., p. 310.

[2441] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928. p. 195.

[2442] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2443] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[2444] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462.

[2445] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[2446] Cf ibid, pp. 275-276.

[2447] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 282-283.

[2448] Cf ibid, pp. 253, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 34, 39, 56

[2449] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276.

[2450] Cf ibid.

[2451] Cf ibid.

[2452] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 34. Cf also pp. 184- 184 of this thesis.

[2453] Cf pp. 75- 85 of this thesis.

[2454] The situation seemed to be bad even some two years before the writing of the report by De Piro. In fact on 5 November 1918, the Archbishop of Malta published an appeal to all the parishpriests and religious of Malta asking them to collect money for the Seminary of the Archdiocese (Cf La Diocesi di Malta, La Diocesi: Bollettino Ufficiale Ecclesiastico di Malta, n. 4 (5 November 1918), p. 108.

[2455] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2456] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2457] Cf pp. 199- 208 of this thesis.

[2458] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 6.

[2459] ibid, p. 15, n. 6.

[2460] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 18

[2461] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 69.

[2462] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2463] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 238

[2464] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2465] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 56

[2466] Ibid.

[2467] Ibid.

[2468] Ibid.

[2469] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, p. 236.

[2470] Ibid.

[2471] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2472] Cf ibid .

[2473] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118-119, 275.

[2474] Cf ibid, pp. 119, 275.

[2475] Cf ibid, p. 119.

[2476] Cf ibid.

[2477] Cf ibid, pp. 243, 253; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 58.

[2478] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 39.

[2479] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 36, 58.

[2480] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 58.

[2481] Cf ibid, pp. 12, 58.

[2482] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1027.

[2483] Cf pp. 325, 390 of this thesis.

[2484] Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 34

[2485] Ibid.

[2486] Cf pp. 188-190 of this thesis.

[2487] Cf DP, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 985-986, 1098, 1119, 1113, 1114.

[2488] Cf ibid, p. 238

[2489] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2490] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 52

[2491] Cf ibid, pp. 52-53.

[2492] Ibid, p. 53

[2493] Ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 25-26.

[2494] Ibid, p. 25

[2495] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, p. 42

[2496] Cf p. 392 of this thesis.

[2497] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institue of the Missions, 1929, p. 236

[2498] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2499] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 794.

[2500] Ibid, pp. 794-795.

[2501] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[2502] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 56.

[2503] Ibid, p. 57.

[2504] Ibid, p. 58.

[2505] Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, p. 39

[2506] Ibid, pp. 39-40.

[2507] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[2508] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276, 282-283.

[2509] Cf ibid, p. 276.

[2510] Cf ibid, p. 276.

[2511] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[2512] Cf ibid, p. 40.

[2513] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[2514] Cf ibid, p. 1108.

[2515] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[2516] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 57.

[2517] Ibid.

[2518] Ibid, p. 58.

[2519] Ibid, pp. 53-54.

[2520] Ibid, p. 53.

[2521] Ibid.

[2522] Ibid, Fascicolo II, pp. 27-28.

[2523] Ibid, p. 27.

[2524] Ibid.

[2525] Ibid, p. 28.

[2526] Ibid.

[2527] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, pp. 33-34.

[2528] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, p. 236.

[2529] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 193.

[2530] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2531] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, p. 47. Cf also Anon, Hajja ta’ Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu, p. 37. Cf also Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67. Cf also pp. 99 of this thesis.

[2532] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 39-40, 45, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59. Cf also p. 165 of this thesis.

[2533] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246.

[2534] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[2535] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 247

[2536] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 295

[2537] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 407-420.

[2538] Cf ibid, 1934, pp. 462-464.

[2539] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107. Cf also pp. 191- 191 of ths thesis.

[2540] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu. pp. 34, 35, 78-79, 80-81.

[2541] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2542] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1055

[2543] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[2544] Cf A. Scicluan Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also p. 45 of this thesis.

[2545] Cf A. Scicluan Sorge, I Moti Maltesei del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Cf also P. Bartolo, X’Kien gara sew fis-Sette Giugno. p. 189. Cf also p. 45 of this thesis.

[2546] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p. 135, 198, 363 of this thesis.

[2547] Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 12.

[2548] Cf ibid.

[2549] Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1.

[2550] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[2551] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p.323. Cf also p. 189 of this thesis.

[2552] Cf pp. 36- 37 of this thesis.

[2553] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1010. Cf also p. 190 of this thesis.

[2554] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12, 13; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[2555] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1040, 1055, 1063.

[2556] Cf pp.188- 194 of this thesis.

[2557] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 57

[2558] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 48-64.

[2559] Cf ibid, pp. 40-48.

[2560] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

Cf pp. 201- 208 of this thesis.

[2561] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

Cf pp. 201- 208 of this thesis

[2562] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 210.

[2563] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28.

[2564] Cf ibid, pp. 116-118.

[2565] Cf ibid.

[2566] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 8.

[2567] Cf ibid, p. 43.

[2568] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7.

[2569] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2570] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2571] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2572] Cf ibid, p. 28; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 921.

[2573] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118.

[2574] Cf ibid.

[2575] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 469.

[2576] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2577] Cf ibid, pp. 116-118, 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 471-472, 746.

[2578] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 116-118.

[2579] Cf ibid, p. 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[2580] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 780.

[2581] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 87.

[2582] Cf ibid.

[2583] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 58b.

[2584] Cf ibid.

[2585] Which was infact started in October 1932.

[2586] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 19, n. 25.

[2587] Cf ibid.

[2588] Cf ibid.

[2589] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 180, 236, 294. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies,

p. 163.

[2590] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 245.

[2591] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71.

[2592] Cf ibid, pp. 287, 294, 295.

[2593] Cf ibid, p. 296.

[2594] Cf ibid, p. 287. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 149

[2595] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 179-180, 288, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 245

Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 3 July 1930, p. 46a.

[2596] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 3 July 1930, p. 46a.

[2597] Cf. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 176, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 253

[2598] Today, 11 October 2005, I asked Fr Mario Scerri mssp whether he had ever heard any of the first members of the Society saying anything about the Society’s House in Ghajnsielem Gozo. He immediately told me that Frs Joseph Spiteri, Augustine Grech, Augustine Azzopardi and the others used to say that it was the Founder who hired this House for the summer holidays of the members. Scerri also told me that these members used to say that whenever they were in that House and the Servant of God visited St Joseph’s Institute, he would stay in the House together with the members. Scerri himself remembers seeing the Founder’s umbrellas in the Ghajnsielem House.

[2599] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 26-27.

[2600] Cf ibid, p. 26

[2601] Cf ibid.

[2602] Cf ibid.

[2603] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 32-33.

[2604] Ibid, 1929-1930, p. 32.

[2605] Ibid, p. 33.

[2606] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 13.

[2607] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[2608] Cf ibid, p. 8. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[2609] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 2, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13. Cf also pp. 173- 176 of this thesis.

[2610] Cf Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 3 Parliament, 21 February 1932, pp. 495-496.

Cf also pp. 191- 191 of this thesis.

[2611] Cf Dpa, Testment sigriet, p. 4. Cf also p. 179 of this thesis.

[2612] Cf pp. 229- 235 of this thesis.

[2613] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[2614] Cf ibid. Cf also pp. 43- 44 of this chapter.

[2615] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 28-37.

[2616] Cf ibid, pp. 109-227.

[2617] Cf ibid.

[2618] Cf The Government of Malta, The Constitution of A Responsible Government for Malta, 1921. Cf also pp. 43- 44of this thesis.

[2619] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2620] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2621] Cf ibid.

[2622] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2623] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2624] Cf ibid.

[2625] Cf ibid.

[2626] Cf ibid.

[2627] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 115, 276, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2628] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposito della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 November 1929, p. 28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91.

[2629] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p115; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 467-464.

[2630] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[2631] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[2632] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257.

[2633] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 115, 275, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2634] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[2635] Cf ibid.

[2636] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 464.

[2637] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2638] Cf ibid.

[2639] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[2640] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) . p. 57

[2641] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 14.

[2642] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[2643] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2644] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2645] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2646] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 463-464.

[2647] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 16, n. 9.

[2648] Cf ibid, p. 15, n. 4.

[2649] Cf ibid, pp. 16-17, n. 10.

[2650] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 26.

[2651] Cf ibid.

[2652] Cf ibid, p. 20, n. 27.

[2653] Cf ibid, p. 20, n. 28.

[2654] Cf ibid, pp. 16-17, n. 10.

[2655] Cf ibid, p. 17, n. 11.

[2656] Cf ibid.

[2657] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 298 . Cf aslo Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 18, 19, 163

[2658] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 160, 238

[2659] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 180, 236, 294

[2660] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, p. 17; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 171, 174, 180, 236. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 147, 152, 244, 245, 1013.

[2661] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 294, 296. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 17, 19

[2662] Cf Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 70, 71, 72. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 71, 296; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 17

[2663] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 71.

[2664] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 968

[2665] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2666] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2667] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a

[2668] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 12; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a

[2669] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 450-451a

[2670] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 29..

[2671] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[2672] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 240,243, 247, 253, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60; Dpa, Istitut San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 38.

[2673] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 10, 42, 61.

[2674] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6.

[2675] Cf ibid.

[2676] Cf ibid, p. 28.

[2677] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2678] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2679] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 922.

[2680] Cf ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[2681] Cf ibid, pp. 450-451a.

[2682] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 Novembre 1929, pp. 24-28a.

[2683] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 42.

[2684] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 237. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1990 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015.

[2685] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015

[2686] Cf ibid, pp. 17, 1015.

[2687] Cf ibid, p. 451a.

[2688] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 118. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2689] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 244, 247, 253, 258.

[2690] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[2691] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2692] Cf ibid.

[2693] Cf ibid.

[2694] Cf ibid.

[2695] Cf ibid.

[2696] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 247, 258; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46.

[2697] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2698] Cf ibid.

[2699] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 118.

[2700] Cf ibid.

[2701] Cf ibid.

[2702] Cf ibid.

[2703] Cf DP, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[2704] Cf ibid, p. 454.

[2705] Cf ibid.

[2706] Cf ibid.

[2707] Cf ibid, p. 118.

[2708] Cf ibid.

[2709] Cf Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928-2003), p. 36.

[2710] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1026.

[2711] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, pp. 29-30, 36-37.

[2712] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794-795.

[2713] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 59-101.

[2714] Cf ibid , p. 91.

[2715] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15 n. 7.

[2716] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, Cf also Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) ; Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara.

[2717] Cf especially Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, the Personal Files of the members, and the various financial records of the Society.

[2718] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 795.

[2719] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2720] Cf ibid, p. 795.

[2721] Cf ibid.

[2722] Cf ibid.

[2723] Cf ibid, p. 1044.

[2724] Cf ibid.

[2725] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2726] Cf ibid, p. 1078.

[2727] Cf ibid, p. 1057.

[2728] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2729] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2730] Cf ibid, p. 283.

[2731] Cf ibid, pp. 1055, 1078.

[2732] Cf ibid, p. 1055.

[2733] Cf ibid, pp. 1053, 1057.

[2734] Cf ibid, p. 1044.

[2735] Cf ibid, pp. 1044, 1057.

[2736] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, pp. 15-16, n. 7.

[2737] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 19.

[2738] Cf ibid.

[2739] Cf ibid.

[2740] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 25.

[2741] Cf ibid.

[2742] Cf ibid.

[2743] Cf ibid, p. 19, n. 23.

[2744] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 20; p. 19, n. 23.

[2745] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 16.

[2746] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[2747] Cf ibid, pp. 1007, 1008, 1011.

[2748] Cf ibid, pp. 18, 19, 162.

[2749] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 68. Cf also Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 261.

[2750] Cf Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 252.

[2751] Cf ibid, pp. 145, 149, 165, 238.

[2752] Cf ibid, p. 244.

[2753] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 176. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 244.

[2754] Cf Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 241.

[2755] Cf ibid, p. 1011.

[2756] Cf ibid, p. 252.

[2757] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 171. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 19.

[2758] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 69, 70, 236, 286, 287, 294. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 14, 164, 244.

[2759] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 286. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 145, 148, 151.

[2760] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 145.

[2761] Cf ibid, p. 250.

[2762] Cf ibid, p. 19.

[2763] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 15-16.

[2764] Cf ibid, pp. 16-18.

[2765] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[2766] Cf ibid, pp. 19-20.

[2767] Cf ibid, pp. 20-21.

[2768] Cf ibid, pp. 22-24.

[2769] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 1, 2

[2770] Cf ibid, pp. 5, 6.

[2771] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2772] Cf ibid, pp. 12 - 17.

[2773] Cf ibid, pp. 18 - 20.

[2774] Cf ibid, pp. 30, 31.

[2775] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 479.

[2776] Cf ibid.

[2777] Cf p. 191 of this chapter.

[2778] Cf p. 45-46 of this thesis.

[2779] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 68.

[2780] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 249.

[2781] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 175. Cf also Dp, The1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 244.

[2782] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 18, n. 19.

[2783] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[2784] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91.

[2785] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 41-42.

[2786] Cf ibid, p. 42.

[2787] Dpa, Djarju. p. 1.

[2788] Ibid. p. 2.

[2789] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[2790] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 27.

[2791] Cf ibid, p.17.

[2792] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277.

[2793] Cf ibid, p. 284.

[2794] Cf ibid.

[2795] Cf ibid.

[2796] Cf ibid.

[2797] Cf ibid.

[2798] Cf ibid.

[2799] Cf ibid, pp. 276-277; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 443.

[2800] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 243.

[2801] Cf ibid, p. 243; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 17.

[2802] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, 3 vols. Cf also pp. 214- 229 of this thesis.

[2803] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[2804] Cf pp. 214- 229 of this thesis.

[2805] Cf pp. 229 of this thesis.

[2806] Cf pp. 229 of this thesis.

[2807] Cf pp. 230- 232 of this topic.

[2808] Cf pp. 232- 235 of this topic.

[2809] Cf pp. 94, 240, 253 of this thesis.

[2810] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024. Cf also Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione.

[2811] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101. Cf p. 253 of this thesis.

[2812] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91.

[2813] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[2814] Cf p. 246 of this thesis.

[2815] Cf p. 248 of this thesis.

[2816] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 87-88.

[2817] Cf ibid.

[2818] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130. Cf also p. 257 of this thesis.

[2819] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 87.

[2820] Cf pp. 238-239, of this thesis.

[2821] Cf Diocesi di Malta, Annuario della Diocesi di Malta, 1933, p. 130. Cf also pp. 258-259 of this thesis.

[2822] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1930, pp. 266-267.

[2823] Cf ibid, 1922, p. 22; 1927, p. 180; 1928, pp. 209, 213-214, 221; 1929, pp. 221-227; 229-230, 244, 249-250; 1930, pp. 269-270, 272-274, 286, 293; 1931, pp. 320, 321, 324-325, 332-333, 342; 1932, pp. 367-368, 370-372; 1933, p. 438.

[2824] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 197.

[2825] Cf ibid, p. 197.

[2826] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 16.

[2827] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 199.

[2828] Cf ibid, 1927, p. 183.

[2829] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88.

[2830] Cf ibid, p. 88; 1926, p. 152; 1930, p. 288.

[2831] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1929, p. 249.

[2832] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436,.

[2833] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 151.

[2834] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[2835] Cf ibid.

[2836] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 332.

[2837] Cf ibid, 1933, p. 436.

[2838] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 22, 22a, 25, 42, 83, 84, 103, 145; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 13-15; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204, 310; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082. Cf also pp. 244- 244 of this thesis.

[2839] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. III, pp. 1, 2, 11.

[2840] Cf e. g. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions 1928. p. 193. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1013.

[2841] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[2842] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju. p. 16, n. 10.

[2843] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5

[2844] Cf ibid, p. 115.

[2845] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[2846] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1056.

[2847] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 87-88

[2848] Cf ibid, p. 87.

[2849] Cf ibid, p. 87.

[2850] Cf Dpa, p. 87.

[2851] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 11.

[2852] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 21.

[2853] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 75. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 20.

[2854] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 296.

[2855] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. p. 22.

[2856] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 20.

[2857] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2858] Cf ibid.

[2859] Cf ibid, p. 247. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[2860] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[2861] Cf ibid, p. 5

[2862] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[2863] Cf ibid.

[2864] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2865] Cf ibid, pp. 285, 298.

[2866] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 277, 294.

[2867] Cf ibid, p. 180.

[2868] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 277, 294, 295.

[2869] Cf ibid, p. 274.

[2870] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 7.

[2871] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 6

[2872] Cf ibid, p. 115.

[2873] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 34.

[2874] Cf ibid, p. 34.

[2875] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2876] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2877] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115. Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2878] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2879] Cf ibid.

[2880] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 115.

[2881] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459.

[2882] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 87.

[2883] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 5.

[2884] Cf ibid.

[2885] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 8.

[2886] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, p. 18.

[2887] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6.

[2888] Cf ibid.

[2889] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[2890] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114, 274.

[2891] Cf ibid, p. 274; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2892] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2893] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 274.

[2894] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

[2895] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 466.

[2896] Cf Dpa, Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, p. 87.

[2897] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 15, n. 5.

[2898] Cf ibid, p. 18, n. 20.

[2899] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[2900] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[2901] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[2902] Cf ibid.

[2903] Cf ibid.

[2904] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 72.

[2905] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 163.

[2906] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 235, 277.

[2907] Cf ibid, p. 286.

[2908] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 287, 294, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 148.

[2909] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 245.

[2910] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 235.

[2911] Cf ibid, pp. 277, 295.

[2912] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 70, 74, 181, 288. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 148, 245, 266.

[2913] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 172.

[2914] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 258.

[2915] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 295.

[2916] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 294.

[2917] Cf ibid, p. 277, 295.

[2918] Cf ibid, pp. 180, 235, 236, 277, 286, 287, 295.

[2919] Cf ibid, p. 172.

[2920] Ibid, p. 172.

[2921] Cf ibid, p. 76, 279.

[2922] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 18-19.

[2923] Ibid, p. 18.

[2924] Ibid, p. 19.

[2925] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 6-12.

[2926] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[2927] Cf ibid.

[2928] Cf ibid, pp. 6-7.

[2929] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[2930] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[2931] Cf ibid.

[2932] Cf ibid, pp. 9-10.

[2933] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[2934] Cf ibid.

[2935] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[2936] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[2937] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[2938] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1044, 1056.

[2939] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[2940] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026.

[2941] Cf ibid.

[2942] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 22.

[2943] Cf ibid.

[2944] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 10-11.

[2945] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279.

[2946] Cf ibid, pp. 277, 294, 295.

[2947] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

[2948] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 15.

[2949] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 8-9.

[2950] Cf ibid, p. 8.

[2951] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[2952] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 75, 279.

[2953] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[2954] Ibid, p. 13.

[2955] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 10b. According to the Council Acts of 27 August 1928 (p. 11a), Archbishop Mauro Caruana accepted De Piro’s petition.

[2956] Cf ibid, p.12b.

[2957] Cf ibid.

[2958] Cf ibid.

[2959] Cf ibid.

[2960] Cf ibid, p. 13a.

[2961] Cf ibid.

[2962] Cf ibid, p. 18a.

[2963] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 14.

[2964] Ibid, 1932, p. 361.

[2965] Ibid, 1933, p. 423.

[2966] Ibid, p. 423.

[2967] Cf J. Bezzina, L-Istorja tal-Knisja f’Malta, Malta 2002, p. 246.

[2968] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, p. 77.

[2969] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 974.

[2970] Cf AAM, VP 1579-1608, pp. 40a-b.

[2971] Cf V. Borg, Marian Devotions in the Islands of Saint Paul (1600-1800), pp. 34-36.

[2972] Cf ibid, pp. 38-48.

[2973] Cf AAM, VP 1570, ff. 30r-31v.

[2974] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. II, pp. 193-194.

[2975] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 47.

[2976] Cf ibid.

[2977] Cf ibid.

[2978] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, pp. 183-187, 191-192.

[2979] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 978.

[2980] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 29. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 271.

[2981] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 268, 271; the 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1023, 1026

[2982] Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1143.

[2983] Cf ibid, pp. 1023, 1026. 1143.

[2984] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1143.

[2985] Cf Pio XII, Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus (1.11.1950), in AAS, 42 (1950), p. 770.

[2986] On 30 October 1950, Pope Pius XII held a Semipublic Concistory to announce to the College of Bishops his intention to proclaim on 1 November, the dogma of the Assumption of Our Lady into Heaven (Cf Osservatore Romano, 30-31 October 1950, n. 255). In this speech, Pius XII was quite explicit about the long and persistent tradition of belief about Our Lady’s Assumption into heaven, body and soul. The day after this Concistory there was the proclamation of the Dogma. In the Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus, Pius XII again referred, this time in more detail, to this long tradition of belief in Our Lady’s assumption into heaven, body and soul (Cf Pio XII, Constit. Ap. Munificentissimus Deus [1.11.1950], in AAS, 42 [1950]).

Cf also L. Ciappi, I dogmi mariani, in Theotocos, Enciclopedia Mariana, Milan, 1959, pp. 289-290. H. Graef, Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion, London 1965, pp. 133-138. G. Frendo, Noti ta’ Marjologija. Unpublished manuscript, Malta, 1977, pp. 88-89.

[2987] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 76.

[2988] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. v.

[2989] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[2990] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 76.

[2991] Cf ibid, p. 279.

[2992] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 22.

[2993] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 76, 279.

[2994] Cf ibid, p. 279.

[2995] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 12.

[2996] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 3.

[2997] Cf ibid, p. 13.

[2998] Cf ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 69.

[2999] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 279

[3000] Cf ibid, p. 76.

[3001] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[3002] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3003] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 38, 40, 62.

[3004] Cf ibid, pp. 38, 257.

[3005] Cf ibid, pp. 38, 257.

[3006] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[3007] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236.

[3008] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3009] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 14.

[3010] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3011] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[3012] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 236.

[3013] Cf ibid, pp. 71-72.

[3014] Cf ibid, pp. 278, 286, 287.

[3015] Cf ibid, p. 288.

[3016] Cf DPA, Prospetto della Cronaca dell’Educandato S. Maria, Oratorio di Birkirkara, in Oratorju San Domenico Savio, Birkirkara, pp. 41-47; MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 50, 50a.

[3017] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 278.

[3018] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. pp. 15-23.

[3019] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[3020] Cf ibid, p. 17.

[3021] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 11-12.

[3022] Cf ibid, pp. 11-12.

[3023] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[3024] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 70, 71, 72, 278, 294, 296. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 13, 25, 256.

[3025] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 277, 286, 287.

[3026] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae, Acta Provincialia, 2 Nov. 1923, p. 324. L.C. Registro per le circolari, ubbidienze, testimoniali, dimissoriali, brevi celebratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[3027] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 287

[3028] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, p. 53.

[3029] Ibid, pp. 57-58.

[3030] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 3.

The vow of missions is the fourth vow professed by the members of the Society.

[3031] Cf ibid, p. 11.

[3032] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-11.

[3033] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 10-11, 12.

[3034] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 13.

[3035] Cf ibid, p. 240.

[3036] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11.

[3037] Cf ibid.

[3038] Cf ibid, pp. 16-18.

[3039] Cf ibid, p. 16.

[3040] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 61-62.

[3041] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3042] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 5-10.

[3043] Cf ibid, p. 5.

[3044] Cf ibid.

[3045] Cf ibid, p. 6.

[3046] Cf ibid, pp. 7, 9.

[3047] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[3048] Cf ibid.

[3049] Cf ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 56.

[3050] Cf ibid.

[3051] Cf ibid, pp. 56-57.

[3052] Cf ibid, p. 57.

[3053] Cf ibid, p. 58.

[3054] Cf ibid, pp. 20-23.

[3055] Cf ibid, pp. 32-34.

[3056] Cf ibid.

[3057] Cf ibid, pp. 51-52.

[3058] Cf ibid, p. 51.

[3059] Cf Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 54-61.

[3060]Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 54, 55-61.

[3061] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3062] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5.

[3063] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 7-8.

[3064] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5.

[3065] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4.

[3066] Cf ibid, p. 4. This after so much trouble to get the titulo missionis, the decretum laudis, the affiliation with Propaganda Fide!!! And he did not get them!!! At least the last two.

I have long been trying to find out why the Founder put down the words: “…speciale e segnalata soggezione”, when in CIC [1917] 499:1 there was already written down that: “All religious are subject to the Roman Pontiff as their highest superior, whom they are bound to obey also in virtue of the vow of obedience”. In the Conferences to the 1929-1930 Brother novices, the Founder said that “Characteristic means that obedience must be conspicuous in us.” (Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 48). Also, I cannot understand why, although in the section about the missionary work of the Society, the Founder mentioned the obedience to the local ordinaries (Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. p15), De Piro did not mention the obedience to the bishops when referring to the obedience to the Holy See. It was the time when the Society was still diocesan and therefore dependent on the dioceses bishops.

[3067] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II, p. 4. Cf also the section “Verso i Superiori”, Fascicolo II, pp. 21-22.

[3068] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II. pp. 3-5.

[3069] Cf ibid. pp 21-22; Fasciclol III, pp. 1ff.

[3070] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 48 –54, 64.

[3071] Cf ibid, p. 52.

[3072] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 13.

[3073] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo II. p. 5.

[3074] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 54.

[3075] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I. pp. 15-16.

[3076] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 54.

[3077] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 146,147, 148, 155.

[3078] Cf ibid, pp. 146, 150.

[3079] Here the witnesses were referring to the conferences to all the members and not to those to the 1929-1930 brother novices.

[3080] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 71, 277, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 9, 13, 256.

[3081] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 295.

[3082] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1922. p. 22.

[3083] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1031.

[3084] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 277.

[3085] Cf ibid, p. 75.

[3086] Cf ibid, p. 71.

[3087] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75; vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[3088] Cf pp. 431- 434 of this thesis.

[3089] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 68-69.

[3090] Cf ibid, pp. 66-67.

[3091] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, p. 68. Cf also ibid. pp. 73, 160-161.

[3092] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 999.

[3093] Ibid, p. 1082.

[3094] Cf ibid, p. 1087.

[3095] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7.

[3096] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III. pp. 5-15. Cf also pp. 110- 111 of this thesis.

[3097] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 745.

[3098] Ibid, p. 1113.

[3099] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12-13.

[3100] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[3101] Ibid, p. 1000.

[3102] Ibid, p. 1002.

[3103] Ibid, p. 1024.

[3104] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246

[3105] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 975, 1112.

[3106] Cf CIC (1917) n. 1334.

[3107] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20.

[3108] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 985-986.

[3109] Cf ibid, p. 1098.

[3110] Ibid, p. 1114.

[3111] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1113.

[3112] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 457.

[3113] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 994.

[3114] Ibid, pp. 1072-1073.

[3115] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[3116] Ibid, p. 1003.

[3117] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1025, 1044.

[3118] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256.

[3119] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[3120] Cf ibid, pp. 109-227.

[3121] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 991; Ph. Mallia, L-Isqof li Habbu Kulhadd, p. 203.

[3122] Cf p. 45 of this thesis.

[3123] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3124] Cf Table 5 (Cf p. 87 of this thesis).

[3125] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 205.

[3126] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[3127] Cf ibid.

[3128] Cf Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione, pp. 1ff.

[3129] Cf ibid.

[3130] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 227.

[3131] Cf Apendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3132] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, pp. 51-52.

[3133] Cf ibid, 1931, p. 304.

[3134] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3135] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 7-9.

[3136] 17 September 1933.

[3137] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[3138] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp.535-536 of this thesis).

[3139] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983

[3140] Ibid, p. 1012.

[3141] Ibid, p. 1003.

[3142] Ibid, p. 1086.

[3143] Cf ibid, p. 1090.

[3144] Cf ibid, p. 1002.

[3145] Ibid, p. 1098.

[3146] Cf eg., Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 13.

[3147] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256.

[3148] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1000.

[3149] Cf PAR, Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4, Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, pp. 1, 2, 4. Report of Evidence, Sitting 2, W.H. 30, p. 1. Report of Evidence, Sitting 4, W.H. 30, pp. 2-3, 3-4, 11. P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 112, 114, 116, 118, 144-145, 189-191.

[3150] Cf PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[3151] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3152] Cf pp. 13, 169, 240, 365, 454 of this thesis

[3153] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro D’Amico Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and a lot of money. Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21.

[3154] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh. Dpa, Università ta’ Malta. Dpa, Korrispondenza, pp. 1, 2-3. Cf also pp. 10- 11 of this thesis.

[3155] Cf footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[3156] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-31. Cf also p. 9 of this thesis.

[3157] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2.

[3158] Cf Ar. Bonnici, History of the Church in Malta, vol. III, pp. 182-183, 269-277.

[3159] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 2-3.

[3160] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[3161] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp.535-536 of this thesis.

[3162] Fr V. Furci sj (rector of St Aloisius College, B’Kara) had been entrusted by Archbishop Mauro Caruana to study the Constitutions of the Society, written by De Piro. Furci studied the Constitutions and presented his reactions on 30 January 1923 (MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp132a). Furci revised again these Constitutions, this time together with De Piro himself (Cf ibid., p. 140). According to a short note sent by Furci to De Piro, His Excellency had also asked Furci to pay a visit to the Society and make an inspection of the same (Cf ibid, p. 140a). Furci did this inspection on 12 September 1923 (Cf ibid., p. 140b). Amongst other suggestions, Furci told the Archbishop that the Founder was not dedicating enough time for his Society and he had to be completely present among the members (Cf ibid., n. 3).

[3163] This was so much public knowledge that after De Piro’s death, The Malta Chronicle, a Maltese paper, referred to this fact in one of its appreciations (Cf The Editor, Mgr De Piro: A Tribute to his Memory, in The Malta Chronicle (19 September 1933), pp. 3-4.

[3164] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 11.

[3165] Cf ibid, p. 25.

[3166] Cf ibid, p. 31.

[3167] Cf ibid, p. 32.

[3168] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[3169] Dpa, Capranica, p. 4d.

[3170] Ibid, p. 4f.

[3171] Ibid, p. 4j.

[3172] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3173] Cf ibid.

[3174] Ibid. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1037.

[3175] Cf Dpa, Djarju. p. 3.

[3176] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-Direttur Spiritwali u mid-Direttur ta’ San Guzepp, p. 15. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1007, 1037.

[3177] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 74a, 74b, 74c. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1012.

[3178] Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[3179] Cf ibid. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1037.

[3180] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 25, 31.

[3181] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3182] Cf ibid.

[3183] Cf Dpa, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 986.

[3184] Cf ibid, p. 1112.

[3185] In 1929 he went to Lourdes (Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 51). In 1930 he went to the Veneto, Italy (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1085).

[3186] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 2a.

[3187] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1116-1117.

[3188] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp. 535-536 of this thesis).

[3189] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 114; Dp, The 1988-192 Testimonies, p. 457. Cf also The 1988-1992 Tetimonies, p. 1111.

[3190] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1007, 1039.

[3191] Cf ibid, p. 1063.

[3192] Ibid, p. 1026.

[3193] Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, p. 51.

[3194] This did not show in the final draft of his secret will. Most probably the notary, knowing quite well that De Piro was quite fit mentally suggested to the Servant of God to take of these words not to prejudice the validity of the will itself.

[3195] Cf Public Registry. Valletta. Acts of Death. 1933. n. 3955. Cf also Addolorata Cemetry. Registers of Burial. 1933. n. 145323.

[3196] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3, 5, 6.

[3197] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3198] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12.

[3199] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1016, 1017.

[3200] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3201] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 87.

[3202] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 5-6.

[3203] Cf ibid, pp. 8, 9, 11, 12.

[3204] Bugeja to go to St Joseph’s, Malta, and Mamo to go to his Oratory in a parish called Tarxien. Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3205] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[3206] John Vella, together with Joseph Caruana, joined the Society on the very first day of the Society, 30 June 1910.

[3207] He was ordained priest on 20 September 1919 (Cf Personal files, n. 2)

[3208] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[3209] Cf amongst others Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3210] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 23, 25, 246. Cf also pp. 195, 240 of this thesis.

[3211] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256; pp. 195, 240of this thesis.

[3212] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256; pp. 195, 240of this thesis.

[3213] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236, 294, 296, 298; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 17, 18, 19, 147, 152, 160, 163, 238, 244, 245, 1013; Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72. Cf also pp. 195, 240 of this thesis.

[3214] Cf pp. 195, 240 of this thesis.

[3215] Cf ibid.

[3216] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 428.

[3217] Cf ibid, p. 428.

[3218] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 74, 299, 300; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1091, 1093, 1097, 1101, 1125, 1119.

[3219] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 238.

[3220] Cf ibid, pp. 1093, 1125, 1111.

[3221] Especially most of the Institutes.

[3222] There was the tram or the cab.

[3223] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[3224] Cf personal files of members and the Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo.

[3225] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 14, 15

[3226] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[3227] Dpa,Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3228] Cf pp. 13- 14 of this thesis.

[3229] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 2; Djarju, p. 1. Cf also p. 19 of this thesis.

[3230] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 8.

[3231] Cf pp. 211-212 of this thesis.

[3232] Cf p. 213 of this thesis.

[3233] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1125.

[3234] Ibid.

[3235] Ibid, p. 1006.

[3236] Ibid, p. 1021.

[3237] PAR. Reports, B, 15/18, n. 4. Report of Evidence. Sitting 2, W.H. 11.

[3238] Ibid.

[3239] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 990-991.

[3240] Cf pp. 203-208 of this thesis.

[3241] Cf p. 213 of this thesis.

[3242] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 41, 49, 55-56, 164, 186, 201, 214, 219, 278-279, 404, 427-428; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 971, 973, 984, 1003, 1006, 1025, 1033, 1036, 1038, 1039, 1060, 1063, 1075-1076, 1076-1077, 1078, 1095, 1116, 1117.

[3243] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p.1.

[3244] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1133.

[3245] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1.

[3246] Cf ibid.

[3247] Cf Dpa, Guzeppi Zaghzugh; Dpa, Università ta’ Malta; Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. IV, Mixxellanea, pp. 1, 2-3; the collection of drawings that is still well preserved in the De Piro Archives, at St Agatha’s , Rabat, Malta. Cf also pp. 10- 11 of this thesis.

[3248] Cf Dpa, Fl-ewwel snin ta’ hajtu u personalia, pp. 3h-31. Cf also p. 9 of this thesis.

[3249] Cf p. 8, footnote 13 of chapter 1 of this thesis.

[3250] Cf Family tree of the De Piro family, still found in the De Piro Archives.

[3251] Once I myself had an informal meeting with Jerome De Piro D’Amico Inguanez, the eight baron of Budaq, and he tried to explain to me in what consisted the property of the De Piro family. I concluded that it involved a lot of immobile property and a lot of money (Cf also Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 21).

[3252] At the time of Joseph De Piro the nobility had an important role in the civil administration of Malta (Cf H. Frendo, Storja ta’ Malta, Zmien l-Inglizi – Is-Seklu Dsatax, pp. 242-246).

[3253] Ibid.

[3254] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p2, n12.

[3255] Cf Dpa, p. 3.

[3256] Cf ibid, pp. 2, 3.

[3257] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 2.

[3258] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2; Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 2-4.

[3259] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3260] Cf ibid.

[3261] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3262] Cf ibid.

[3263] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3264] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3265] Cf ibid, p. 67.

[3266] Cf ibid.

[3267] Ibid.

[3268] Ibid.

[3269] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 19.

[3270] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 284-285. Cf also ibid, pp. 248, 250, 256; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 28, 29, 30, 75.

[3271] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 24b.

[3272] Cf ibid.

[3273] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3274] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3275] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3276] Cf ibid.

[3277] Ibid,

[3278] Cf ibid.

[3279] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[3280] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 43, 87.

[3281] Dpa, Djarju, p. 7.

[3282] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[3283] Ibid, p. 46.

[3284] Ibid.

[3285] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 14.

[3286] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[3287] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[3288] Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2.

[3289] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1021.

[3290] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975, vol. IV, p. 3.

[3291] Ibid.

[3292] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3293] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanc of the Institute of the Missions, 1922, p. 7.

[3294] Cf pp. 15-16 of this thesis.

[3295] Cf ibid.

[3296] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp. 535-536 of this thesis).

[3297] Cf J. P. Sartre, L’Essere e il Nulla, translated by H. Marcuse, Milan 1968, pp. 459-461.

[3298] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3299]Cf ibid.

[3300] Cf ibid.

[3301] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[3302] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3303] Cf ibid, p. 7.

[3304] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3305] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 974-975.

[3306] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3307] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjponi, p. 4, n. 2.

[3308] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3309] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14.

[3310] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975; Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 69, 75.

[3311] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3312] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[3313] Cf Dpa, Isititut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 8-9.

[3314] Cf ibid, p. 9a.

[3315] Cf ibid, p. 9b.

[3316] Cf ibid, p. 10-11.

[3317] Cf ibid., p. 4, n. 1.

[3318] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 9c, 15-16, 19-20. Cf also Anon, Il Cobor tal Gloriosissimu Patriarca S. Giusepp, Patrun tal Cnisia Cattolica ikkonsidrat fix-xahar ta Marzu, p. 3; Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, 27 November 1929. pp. 24-28a.

[3319] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) . pp. 15-16, 19-20.

[3320] Cf ibid, pp. 9c, 19-20. Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 252; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 31.

[3321] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 2

[3322] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 15-16; Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a.

[3323] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, p. 10.

[3324] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3325] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3326] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[3327] Cf ibid, p. 10.

[3328] Cf ibid, pp. 10-12.

[3329] Cf ibid, pp. 13-14.

[3330] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 19.

[3331] Cf ibid, p. 15.

[3332] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 22, 22a, 25, 42, 83, 84, 103, 145; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 13-15; The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 204, 310; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1082.

[3333] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[3334] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abissinja, 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 1-89.

[3335] Cf ibid, pp. 70-74.

[3336] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3337] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111.

[3338] Ibid, p. 128.

[3339] Ibid, p. 407.

[3340] Ibid, p. 339.

[3341] Ibid, p. 372

[3342] Ibid, pp. 428, 429.

[3343] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 340. Cf also p. 342.

[3344] Cf J. Bezzina, Church and State in an Island Colony, in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964, edited by Victor Mallia Milanes, p. 67. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 59.

[3345] Fr Daniel Glavina sj was the Superior General of De Piro’s Society between 1940-1948, but before this period Glavina was Robinson’s secretary when the latter was Apostolic Nuntio to Ireland (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 59).

[3346] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 404.

[3347] Cf ibid, p. 1021.

[3348] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 214, 428. The Gozo Testimonies, p. 81.

[3349] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 214, 438. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 884.

[3350] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 788.

[3351] Cf ibid, p. 879 (Fr Arthur Vella did not know the Servant of God personally but he was the nephew of Fr John Vella, the first expriest member of De Piro’s Society, and he got the information about Monsignor from his uncle). Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 428; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1061; The GozoTestimonies, p. 81.

[3352] Cf pp. 211-214 of this thesis.

[3353] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 5.

[3354] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 5.

[3355] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul . Text. Fascicolo I, p. 4.

[3356] Ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 3, 17, 20.

[3357] Ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 7.

[3358] Ibid. Fascicolo III, p. 46.

[3359] Ibid, p. 16.

[3360] Ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 27.

[3361] Ibid, p. 15.

[3362] Ibid. Fascicolo I, p. 17.

[3363] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, pp. 378-382. Cf also pp. 216, 335, 382of this thesis.

[3364] Cf p. 335 of this thesis.

[3365] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma t’Alla, vol. III, p. 389.

[3366] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 20, 49, 77, 92, 131, 134, 140, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 160 (bis); vol. III, pp. 378, 380, 389, 390, 398, 419, 153.

[3367] Cf ibid, vol. II, pp. 167, 174, 195, 206-207.

[3368] Cf ibid, pp. 222, 227 bis, 251, 254.

[3369] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 294.

[3370] Cf p. 212 of this thesis.

[3371] Cf pp. 212-214 of this thesis.

[3372] Cf pp.213, 463 of this thesis.

[3373] Cf pp. 213, 461 of this thesis.

[3374] Cf p. 213 of this thesis.

[3375] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, nos. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11.

[3376] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 5.

[3377] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, Accademia – Ragioni Pro, nos. 1-2; pp. 2-3, Accademia – Ragioni Contro, nos. 1-7; p. 4, Casa di San Giuseppe – Ragioni Pro, nos. 1-7.

[3378] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 8.

[3379] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[3380] Cf pp. 22-229 of this thesis.

[3381] Cf p. 335 of this thesis. The sermons where one can find these expressions were not generally about the Eucharist.

[3382] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 84-89, 90-97.

[3383] Cf ibid, pp. 104, 106-107.

[3384] Cf ibid, p. 105.

[3385] Cf ibid, pp. 112-113.

[3386] Cf ibid, pp. 81-83, 104, 106-107, 108.

[3387] Cf ibid, pp. 98-99, 100-101

[3388] Cf ibid, pp. 102-103, 114-117

[3389] Cf ibid, pp. 109-110.

[3390] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[3391] Cf ibid, pp. 118-121.

[3392] Cf pp. 336-337 of this thesis.

[3393] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol I, pp. 18 (three times), 40, 56, 122 (bis); vol. II, pp. 169, 172, 184, 205, 207, 208, 221; vol. III, pp. 324, 369, 370, 372, 400.

[3394] Cf ibid, p. 18.

[3395] Cf ibid.

[3396] Cf ibid, vol. II, p. 183.

[3397] Cf ibid.

[3398] Cf ibid, p. 184.

[3399] Cf ibid, pp. 184-185.

[3400] Cf ibid, pp. 221, 222 (bis), 223, 233, 234, 236, 242, 257 (three times), 259, 260 (bis), 261, 262, 264, 265 (five times), 266.

[3401] Cf ibid, p. 221.

[3402] Cf ibid, p. 244.

[3403] Cf ibid, p. 249.

[3404] Cf ibid, p. 271.

[3405] Cf ibid, p. 274.

[3406] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 21.

[3407] Cf ibid, p. 1.

[3408] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3409] Cf ibid.

[3410] Cf ibid.

[3411] Cf ibid, p. 24.

[3412] Cf ibid.

[3413] Cf ibid, p. 25.

[3414] Cf ibid.

[3415] Cf Lk 19, 44.

[3416] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, p. 35.

[3417] Cf ibid, p. 286.

[3418] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3419] Cf Appendix 1 (Cf pp. 521-525 of this thesis).

[3420] These references have been taken from 10 of the 14 Pauline Letters (cf pp. 526 - 529 of this thesis.

[3421] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol I, p. 12.

[3422] Cf ibid, vol II p. 224.

[3423] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I pp. 44, 148 (bis), 149, 151, 152 (bis), 154 (bis), 155 (bis); vol. II, p. 276 (three times), 277, 278 (three times) .

[3424] Cf ibid, vol II, pp. 276, 278.

[3425] Cf ibid, vol. I, p. 155.

[3426] Cf ibid, vol. III, p. 348.

[3427] Cf ibid, vol. I, pp. 77, 94; vol. II, pp. 223, 232 (bis), 235, 236 (bis), 238, 264 (bis), 265, 266, 268; vol. III, p. 303.

[3428] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, p. 122 (bis).

[3429] Cf ibid, pp. 87, 110, 112; Vol. III, p. 404.

[3430] Cf Mt 8, 19; Lk 9, 57.

[3431] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6, n. 5.

[3432] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1-2.

[3433] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3434] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 1.

[3435] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 2.

[3436] Cf ibid, p. 1, n. 3.

[3437] Cf ibid, pp. 1- 2, nos. 4, 5, 12.

[3438] Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 20.

[3439] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 3, n. 4.

[3440] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3441] Cf ibid, p. 2.

[3442] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3443] Cf ibid.

[3444] Cf ibid.

[3445] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3446] Cf ibid.

[3447] Cf ibid, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3448] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3449] Cf ibid, p. 9.

[3450] Cf ibid, p. 12.

[3451] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537-543 of this thesis).

[3452] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanc of the Institute of the Missions, 1923, p. 58.

[3453] Cf also what was said by Br Felix Muscat: “The means especially used to increase his faith was prayer …” (Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 404).

[3454] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 973.

[3455] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 49.

[3456] Cf ibid, p. 304.

[3457] Cf E. bonnici, Chelmtejn fuq Mons. De Piro, Malta 1933, pp. 7-8.

[3458] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[3459] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also ibid., p. 123.

[3460] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1117.

[3461] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 278.

[3462] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.

[3463] Cf ibid, p. 1025.

[3464] Cf ibid, p. 1039.

[3465] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 404.

[3466] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3467] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3468] Cf ibid.

[3469] Cf ibid.

[3470] Cf ibid, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3471] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 14, 83. Cf also p. 17.

[3472] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3473] Cf ibid, p. 1021.

[3474] Cf ibid, pp. 1063, 1076.

[3475] Cf ibid, p. 1095.

[3476] Cf ibid, p. 1007.

[3477] Cf ibid.

[3478] Cf ibid, p. 1033.

[3479] Ibid, p. 1038.

[3480] Cf ibid, p. 1040.

[3481] Cf ibid, p. 1060.

[3482] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[3483] Cf ibid, p. 111.

[3484] Cf ibid, p. 101.

[3485] Cf ibid, pp. 278, 404.

[3486] Cf ibid, p. 404.

[3487] Cf ibid, p. 41.

[3488] Cf ibid, pp. 164, 167, 185, 201, 221, 427-428.

[3489] Here it is important to say that in the pros and cons exercise De Piro did for his choice of vocation, there is mention of the meditation. Which means that the Servant of God practiced this form of prayer even before starting his studies for the priesthood (Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 4). In this same exercise one can also notice the mentioning of spiritual reading (Cf ibid., n. 7).

[3490] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also ibid., p. 123.

[3491] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 4. Cf also n. 8.

[3492] Cf Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, p. 6.

[3493] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111. Cf also p. 123.

[3494] Cf ibid, p. 111. Cf also p. 123.

[3495] Cf ibid, pp. 278-279, 287, 423.

[3496] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1003.

[3497] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5.

[3498] Cf ibid, p. 172.

[3499] Cf ibid.

[3500] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n. 7.

[3501] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 111.

[3502] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, pp. 1-2

[3503] Cf ibid, pp. 2-4.

[3504] Cf ibid, p. 1, n., 8.

[3505] Cf ibid, p. 1, n., 11.

[3506] Cf ibid, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 2.

[3507] Cf ibid, Ragioni Contro, p. 2, nos. 1-2.

[3508] Cf ibid, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 4.

[3509] Cf ibid, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 3, nos. 5, 6.

[3510] Cf ibid, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 3, n. 4.

[3511] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 1, n., 5.

[3512] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, Accademia - Ragioni Contro, p. 2, n. 2.

[3513] Cf ibid, p. 3, n. 3.

[3514] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, St Joseph’s, Malta – Ragioni Pro, p. 4, n. 3.

[3515] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 3.

[3516] Cf ibid, p. 4, n. 8.

[3517] Cf Mk 10, 45; 14, 24; Ph. 2, 7.

[3518] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 15, 42, 44, 129, 150, 155, 163, 168, 187, 211, 214, 219, 250, 299, 311, 315, 351, 386, 387 (bis), 387, 411, 414, 422, 428, 429.

[3519] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44 (bis), 59, 70, 83 (bis), 140, 165, 166, 197, 207, 233, 247 (four times), 293, 315, 323, 341, 355 (bis), 375, 507, 511, 581, 583, 584 (bis), 595, 612, 629, 630, 636, 638 (bis), 651 (three times), 659, 662, 744, 757, 764 (bis), 788, 801, 823, 828, 835 (bis), 848, 878, 883, 898, 899, 950, 954, 969, 983, 993, 1006, 1018, 1058, 1095, 1101 (bis), 1108, 1113.

[3520] Cf Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 18, 48, 82.

[3521] Cf, Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 898, 899, 950); Fr Peter Paul Borda (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 165, 166); Joseph Brincat (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 629, 630, 636, 638 [bis]; Sr Marie De Piro (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 315 [bis], 341); Sr Pauline Formosa (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 659, 662); Fr Ugolino Gatt OSA (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44); Catherine Giordmaina (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 583, 584 [bis]; Anthony Scerri (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 651 [3 times]); Saviour Schembri (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 355 [bis], 375); Br Paul Spiteri OSA (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 70, 83); Victor Tedesco (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 757, 764 [3 times], 788; Michael Vella Haber (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 247 [4 times]); Paul Xuereb (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 823, 828, 835).

[3522] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 155. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 165, 197, 511, 583, 595, 788, 848, 954, 1058.

[3523] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 954.

[3524] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 211.

[3525] Cf pp.530 - 534 of this thesis.

[3526] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 275.

[3527] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 522, 572, 625, 801, 1098.

[3528] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 522, 572, 801, 1098, 1107.

[3529] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 312, 445, 522, 625, 801, 1047, 1098, 1107.

[3530] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 522, 625, 801, 1047, 1098, 1107.

[3531] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3532] Cf ibid, p. 625.

[3533] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3534] Cf ibid, p. 1107.

[3535] Cf ibid, pp. 313, 574, 1085, 1098, 1099, 1100, 1107, 1123.

[3536] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 445, 590, 625, 801, 944.

[3537] Cf ibid, pp. 386-387, 489, 550-551, 662.

[3538] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 526.

[3539] Cf ibid, pp. 275.

[3540] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 158; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 284, 299, 334, 337, 527 (bis), 662, 1041-1042, 1042-1043, 1085 (bis).

[3541] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 239, 243, 247 (bis), 253, 256 (bis), 284, 346; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 214, 219, 249-250, 316.

[3542] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 287, 299 (bis), 433. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 59, 255, 358, 662, 756, 834, 857, 1041-1042, 1042-1043, 1074, 1093, 1137.

[3543] The rooms at Fra Diegu and St Joseph’s, Malta could have been perhaps adequate for living, but the one at St Jospeh’s, Gozo, was undoubtedly not. Had it been good, the Servant of God would not have had such a tragedy in it.

[3544] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 916, 1007, 1065, 1091, 1125, 1130.

[3545] Cf ibd, p. 275.

[3546] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 25, 159, 194. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 276, 294, 318, 322, 325, 333, 445, 498, 526, 556, 575, 576, 581 (bis), 642, 659, 959, 998 (bis), 1043, 1061, 1106.

[3547] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 517, 581, 1098.

[3548] Cf ibid, pp. 273, 550, 662.

[3549] Cf ibid, p. 1119. Cf also ibid, pp. 961, 987.

[3550] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 283, 295. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 57, 536, 738 (bis), 812, 836. The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 39 (bis), 56.

[3551] Cf p. 112 of this thesis.

[3552] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 28, 43, 69, 118 (3 times), 142, 148, 167, 275 (bis). The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 61, 607, 746, 922.

[3553] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 424. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1119. In the Society’s communities food could not be that rich and healthy. The cook was always some one of the members themselves and these were many a times inexperienced. They learnt to cook only in the community itself (Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1124).

[3554] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 15, 168 (three times), 237, 247, 206. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 286, 415, 993, 1005, 1023. The Gozo Testimonies, p. 56.

[3555] Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 425. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 58, 239, 249, 616, 836, 857.

[3556] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 194; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 20, 294, 386.

[3557] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 294. Cf also pp. 20, 294, 386.

[3558] Cf ibid, pp. 20, 109, 178 (bis), 207, 262, 294, 360, 449, 868.

[3559] Ibid, p. 315.

[3560] Ibid, p. 532.

[3561] Ibid, p. 651.

[3562] Ibid, p. 901.

[3563] Cf ibid, p. 799.

[3564] Cf ibid, pp. 275, 276, 317.

[3565] Cf ibid, p. 426.

[3566] Cf ibid, pp. 515, 1097.

[3567] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, pp. 1-81.

[3568] Cf ibid, pp. 1-81. Cf also Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1106.

[3569] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 3.

[3570] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3571] This information was given to Fr Al. Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of De Piro, by Fr John Briffa Brincati (Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro, translated by Monica De Piro Nelson, pp. 89- 95).

[3572] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1016-1017.

[3573] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 42; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 968, 987, 1057 1062.

[3574] John Vella, together with Joseph Caruana, joined the Society on the very first day of the Society, 30 June 1910.

[3575] He was ordained priest on 20 September 1919 (Cf Dpa, Personal files, n. 2)

[3576] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1020-1021.

[3577] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 13, 14, 42, 54, 84, 103. Cf also Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 73, 180, 297, 298-299. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 18, 23, 25, 246. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3578] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256. Cf also pp. 134 of this thesis.

[3579] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 48, 54, 103, 172, 180. Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 172, 180, 295. Cf also Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 18, 25, 256. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3580] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 71, 171, 174, 180, 236, 294, 296, 298 . The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 17, 18, 19, 147, 152, 160, 163, 238, 244, 245, 1013. Dpa, MSSP at theTime of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72. Cf also p. 134 of this thesis.

[3581] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1093, 1125, 1111.

[3582] Cf ibid, p. 207.

[3583] Cf Dpa, Personal files. Cf also Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo.

[3584] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 14, 15

[3585] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 20.

[3586] Cf Appendix 4 (Cf pp. 535 - 536).

[3587] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 2, n. 12.

[3588] Cf Dpa, Predikatur imheggeg tal-Kelma ta’ Alla, vol. I, pp. 64-72.

[3589] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. I, Ittri lill-familjari, p. 20.

[3590] Cf p. 19 of this thesis.

[3591] Cf DPA, Djarju, p. 3.

[3592] Cf ibid, p. 3.

[3593] Cf DPA, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3594] DPA, Istitut Gesu` Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a.

[3595] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , p. 9a.

[3596] Cf ibid.

[3597] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 8.

[3598] Cf ibid , p. 9c.

[3599] Cf E. Bonnici, Chelmtejt fuq Mons. De Piro, pp. 7-8.

[3600] Cf ibid.

[3601] Cf Dpa, Dekan, pp. 3, 4, 5. Cf also A declaration made by Fr John Briffa Brincati to Fr Alexander Bonnici OfmConv., the biographer of the Servant of God (Cf Al. Bonnici, Giuseppe De Piro. Translated by M. De Piro Nelson, pp. 88-95).

[3602] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, Malta 1923, pp. 5-6. Cf also pp. 43-44 of this thesis.

[3603] Cf pp. 44 of this thesis.

[3604] Cf ibid.

[3605] Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3606] Ibid, p. 2.

[3607] Ibid.

[3608] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n. 1.

[3609] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 3-9, 11-12.

[3610] Cf ibid, p. 4.

[3611] Cf ibid.

[3612] Cf ibid.

[3613] Cf ibid.

[3614] Cf ibid., p. 5.

[3615] Ibid, p. 6.

[3616] Ibid., pp. 1, 2, 7.

[3617] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 84.

[3618] Cf ibid. Cf also J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, p. 407.

[3619] Cf Dpa, Acquisto siti attigui a Sant’Agata – Rabat, pp. 2-34

[3620] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Alamanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1933, pp. 407-420.

[3621] Verse 1.

[3622] Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 168a.

[3623] Ibid.

[3624] Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja (Korrispondenza), vol. IV, Mixxellanea, p. 3.

[3625] J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1924, p. 93. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 46.

[3626] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 2, art. 3.

[3627] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 421.

[3628] Cf ibid, p. 573.

[3629] Cf ibid, pp. 63, 72.

[3630] Cf ibid, p. 186.

[3631] Cf ibid, p. 894.

[3632] Cf ibid, p. 324.

[3633] Cf ibid, p. 536.

[3634] Cf ibid, p. 553.

[3635] Cf ibid, p. 551.

[3636] Cf ibid, p. 1037.

[3637] Cf ibid, p. 972.

[3638] Cf ibid, pp. 330, 531, 552.

[3639] Cf ibid, p. 556.

[3640] Cf ibid, p. 446.

[3641] Cf ibid, p. 526.

[3642] Cf ibid, p. 1085.

[3643] Cf ibid, p. 1057.

[3644] Cf ibid, p. 536.

[3645] Cf ibid, p. 551.

[3646] Cf ibid, p. 543.

[3647] Cf ibid, p. 573.

[3648] Cf ibid, p. 59.

[3649] Cf ibid, pp. 253, 817, 856, 1007, 904, 950.

[3650] Cf ibid, p. 1000.

[3651] Cf ibid, p. 1041.

[3652] Cf ibid, p. 801.

[3653] Cf ibid, p. 418.

[3654] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 1.

[3655] Ibid, p. 3.

[3656] Cf Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4.

[3657] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 1-2.

[3658] Cf ibid, pp. 9-11.

[3659] Cf Dpa, Fra Diegu, p. 12.

[3660] Cf ibid.

[3661] Cf Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu – Istitut San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 38a

[3662] Cf ibid, p. 68e.

[3663] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 9a.

[3664] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), p. 9c.

[3665] Cf ibid, pp. 12ff.

[3666] Cf ibid, pp. 13-20.

[3667] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio el Padre Preposto della Compagnia di san Paolo, pp. 24b-28a.

[3668] Ibid, p. 24b.

[3669] Dpa, Vokazzjoni, p. 4, n.2.

[3670] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3671] Cf ibid, pp. 3-4. Cf also p. 342 of this thesis.

[3672] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 4. Cf also p. 342 of this thesis.

[3673] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 4-9, 11-12.

[3674]Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 7. Cf also p. 265 of this thesis.

[3675] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 8.

[3676] Cf ibid, pp. 8-9, 11.

[3677] Ibid, p. 11.

[3678] Cf Dpa, Personal files, nos 1, 2. Cf also Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[3679] Dpa, Djarju, p. 6

[3680] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 10.

[3681] Cf CIC (1917) 580, 582, 594. Cf also S. Woywod, A Practical Commentary on the Code of Canon Law, New York 1932, vol. I, n. 504.

[3682] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, p. 54.

[3683] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, pp. 13-15.

[3684] Ibid, p. 14.

[3685] Dpa, Testment Sigriet, pp. 9-10, art. 10.

[3686] Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1078.

[3687] Ibid, p. 919.

[3688] Cf Dpa, Korrispondenza, vol. III, Ittri mill-iskola, mid-direttur spiritwali u mid-direttur ta’ San Guzepp, pp. 5-15.

[3689] Cf Dpa, Djarju, pp. 7-9.

[3690] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 975.

[3691] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 36, 69, 75.

[3692] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 2-10; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 123-143, 169-198, 1003-1006, 1023-1032, 1043-1046, 1051-1061, 1142-1146.

[3693] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 22-33; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 199-235, 911-947, 1078-1082.

[3694] Cf S. Muscat, Xi Haga mill-Kronaka tal-Kumpanija. Unpublished manuscript, MSSP 1975, p. 57; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , p. 19; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 114-121, 242-244, 246-248, 252-254, 255-259; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 449, 453-454, 1062; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 3-5, 14, 27, 32, 52, 54, 57, 59.

[3695] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, p. 9.

[3696] Cf ibid, pp. 19-27.

[3697] Cf ibid, pp. 28-37.

[3698] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 72-80. Cf also pp. 44 of this thesis.

[3699] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115.

[3700] Cf MG, L’Assemblea Nazionale di Malta, 25 Febbraio 1919 – 27 Maggio 1921, pp. 9-14.

[3701] Cf pp. 210 of this thesis.

[3702] Cf P. Bartolo, X’Kien Gara Sew fis-Sette Giugno, pp. 110-115, 189; A. Scicluna Sorge, I Moti Maltesi del 7-9 Giugno 1919. Una pagina storica della lotta Nazionale di Malta, Malta 1930, p. 2.

[3703] Cf pp. 241-246 of this thesis.

[3704] Cf p. 240 of this thesis.

[3705] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1024.

[3706] Cf Ph. Xuereb, L-Oratorju u Lilhinn Minnu. Unpublished Manuscript, VIII, pp. 4-10.

[3707] Cf pp. 258-259 of this thesis.

[3708] Cf Appendix 5 (pp. of this thesis).

[3709] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 24a, 26, 44-45, 46, 61-66; pp. 260-262 of this thesis.

[3710] Cf Dpa, Djarju, p. 2.

[3711] Cf ibid, pp. 3-9, 11-12. Cf also Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537 - 543)

[3712] Cf pp. 304-307 of this thesis.

[3713] Cf Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1995 (Korrispondenza), vol. III, Ohrajn lil Mons. G. De Piro, pp. 20-21.

[3714] Cf ibid, pp. 40-41.

[3715] Cf ibid, pp. 53-55.

[3716] Cf ibid, p. 63.

[3717] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 14, 118-119, 253, 257, 275-276, , 282-283; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 462; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 34, 39, 56.

[3718]Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 119, 243, 253; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1027; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 12, 36, 39, 58.

[3719] Cf AAM, Suppliche, 1925, p. 47; Anon, Il-Hajja fil-qosor tas-sinjorina Guzeppina Curmi, Fundatrici tal-Istitut ta’ Gesù Nazzarenu, Malta 1963, p. 37; Dpa, Istitut Gesù Nazzarenu- San Frangisk ta’ Paula, p. 67; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex), pp. 39-40, 45, 50,51, 53, 54, 55, 59; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 275.

[3720] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 28; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 794, 795; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 12.

[3721] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 275-276, 282-283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 224.

[3722] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 276; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 40.

[3723] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 795, 1044, 1053, 1055, 1057, 1078.

[3724] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposito della Compagnia di San Paolo, p. 28a; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta), p. 57; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 14, 115, 256, 257, 275, 276, 283; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 32, 68, 75, 91, 463-464, 467-464, 794-795, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 257.

[3725] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451.

[3726] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo, pp. 24-28a.

[3727] Cf Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Ghawdex) , pp. 29, 38; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 12, 28, 240, 243, 247, 253, 257; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 443, 450-451a, 922; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 9, 10, 11, 41, 42, 59, 60, 61.

518 Cf The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 118, 244, 247, 253, 258; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 451a, 454, 1026; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 14, 32, 46; Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp, Ghaqda Muzikali San Guzepp (1928-2003), Gozo 2003, p. 36.

[3729] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 28a; Dpa, Esami Conferma e Prima Comunione; Dpa, Istitut ta’ San Guzepp (Malta) , pp. 56-101; Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 20; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 256; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91, 1024.

[3730] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 784.

[3731] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5, 115, 247; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1024, 1056; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 6.

[3732] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6, 115, 274; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 459; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 7, 34.

523 Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 5-6, 114, 274; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 466, 784; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 38.

524 Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 5; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1003, 1023, 1025, 1026, 1044, 1056, 1060.

[3735] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 257; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 34, 38, 40, 62.

[3736] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 6-7, 28, 116-118, 257, 275; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 210, 469, 471-472, 746, 780, 921; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 8, 34, 43.

[3737] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 479.

[3738] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 28a; Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 243, 256, 276-277, 284; The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 24, 26, 30, 31, 68, 75, 91, 443; The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 17, 41-42.

[3739] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 276-277, 284; Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, pp. 17, 27.

[3740] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 7; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 451a.

[3741] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1055; Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 63, 116, 118.

[3742]Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 9.

[3743] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 16, 25, 43, 45, 50, 55, 56, 60, 61, 99, 105, 107.

[3744] Cf Dpa, Testment Sigriet, p. 4.

[3745] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, p. 8. Cf also The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 1031-1032.

[3746] Cf DPS3, 21 February 1932, pp. 495-496.

[3747] Cf Dpa, Laboratorju tat-tfajliet, pp. 1, 2, 4, 10, 11, 12, 13.

[3748] Cf Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993. Cf also p. 197 of this thesis.

[3749] Cf Dpa, Casa di San Giuseppe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, p. 109. Cf also p. 198 of this thesis.

[3750] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 12.

[3751] Cf Dpa, Monsinjur u Dekan, p. 32a, nos. 6-7.

[3752] Cf Dpa, Instructions to Fr Joseph Spiteri, p. 1; Casa di San Giusepe. Ist. Bonnici. Piccola Cassa ‘A’, 1926-1932, pp. 81, 83, 85, 89, 92, 93, 95, 97, 98, 103, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 114, 119, 121, 122.

[3753] Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 12, 13, 323; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 993, 1010, 1040, 1055, 1063. Cf also pp. 188-194 of this thesis

[3754] Cf Dpa, Rettur tas-Seminarju, p. 17, n. 13.

[3755] Cf ibid, pp. 15-16, n. 7; p. 18, nos. 19, 20; p. 19, nos. 23, 25.

[3756] Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 52, 56.

[3757] Cf Dpa, MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 17, 70, 71, 72.

[3758] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 22.

[3759] Cf ibid. Fascicolo II, p. 18.

[3760] Cf ibid, pp. 18-19; Konferenzi lin-Novizzi, 1929-1930, pp. 6-12.

[3761] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 15, 18; Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11, 22; Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 8-9.

[3762] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , pp. 10b, 12b, 13a, 13b, 18a; MSSP at the time of the Founder, pp. 6, 13.

[3763] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. v, 11, 12, 18; Fascicolo II, pp. 3, 13, 22; Fascicolo III, p. 69. J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1929, pp. 240, 249-250; 1931, pp. 318, 332-333; 1932, pp. 356, 374, 375, 392; 1933, p. 423.

[3764] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 18.

[3765] Cf ibid.

[3766] Cf Archivum Provinciale S. Augustini, Vallettae (APSAV). Acta Provincialia. 2 Nov. 1923, p. 324. L.C. Registro per le circolari, ubbidienze, testimoniali, dimissoriali, brevi celbratorie, 1901-1940, pp. 346-347.

[3767] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo III, pp. 53, 57-58.

[3768] Cf ibid. Fascicolo I, pp. 3, 11; Fascicolo II, pp. 3-11. The vow of missions is the fourth vow professed by the members of the Society. Cf also Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1931. pp. 10-11, 12.

[3769] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 10-11, 16-18; Dpa, Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, 1929-1930, pp. 61-62.

[3770] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 5-10, 54, 55-56; Fascicolo III. pp. 20-23, 32-34, 50-52, 56-58. Konferenzi lin-novizzi,: 1929-1930, pp. 54-61.

[3771] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 7- 8. Fascicolo II, pp. 3-5, 21-22. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 48 –54, 64.

[3772] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-16. Fascicolo II. p. 5. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, p. 54. J. DE Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institue of the Missions, 1922, p. 22. Dpa, Missjoni Abbissinja 1927-1975 (Korrispondenza), vol. I, Fra Guzepp lill-Fundatur, pp. 69, 75; vol. IV, Mxxellanea, pp. 7-9. Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 69, 71, 75, 277, 295. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 9, 13, 146, 147, 148, 150, 155, 256, 1031.

[3773] Cf Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, pp. 15-23. Fascicolo II, pp. 11-12.

[3774] Cf Dpa, Atti del Consiglio del Padre Preposto della Compagnia di San Paolo , p. 46a. Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II, pp. 26-27. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 32-33.

[3775] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 175. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 244, 249.

[3776] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 235, 237. Dp, The 1988-1990 Testimonies, pp. 1013, 1015.

[3777] Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 68, 69, 70, 171, 176, 236, 286, 287, 294. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 7, 14, 16, 18, 19, 145, 148, 149, 151, 162, 164, 165, 238, 241, 244, 250, 252, 1007, 1008, 1011.

It was especially the members of his Society who called him by the title of “Padre” (Cf Dp, The 1987 Testimonies, pp. 37, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 173, 175, 176, 181, 214, 276, 277, 278. Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 27, 261 356, 977, 978, 979, 980, 981, 1011, 1022, 1064, 1093, 1094, 1124, 1129, 1130. Dp, The Gozo Testimonies, p. 74.

Cf also Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo II. pp. 15-16, 16-18, 19-20, 20-21, 22-24. Konferenzi lin-Novizzi: 1929-1930, pp. 1, 2, 5, 6, 12-17, 18-20, 30, 31.

[3778] Cf ibid.

[3779] Cf Appendix 5 (Cf pp. 537 -543).

[3780] Cf J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1926, p. 152.

[3781] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1928, p. 207; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436.

[3782] Cf ibid, 1928, p. 207.

[3783] Cf ibid, 1926, p. 151, 152.

[3784] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1929, p. 249; 1030, p. 288; 1933, p. 436.

[3785] Cf ibid, 1925, p. 129; 1933, p. 436.

[3786] Cf ibid, 1929, p. 236.

[3787] Ibid, 1928, p. 193; 1929, p. 236.

[3788] Cf ibid, 1924, p. 88; 1925, p. 129; 1926, pp. 151, 152; 1927, p. 183; 1928, pp. 197, 199, 207; 1929, p. 249; 1930, p. 288; 1931, p. 332; 1933, p. 436. Dpa, Original Constitutions of the Missionary Society of St Paul. Text. Fascicolo I, p. 16. Cf also e. g. J. De Piro, Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions, 1928, p. 193; Dp, The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1013.

[3789] Cf A. Grillmeier, Christology, in Sacramentum Mundi, vol. 3, London 1969, p. 188.

[3790] Cf AA.VV., Gesu` Cristo, Rome 1981, p. 215.

[3791] Cf E. Kant and his moral conscience, G. Lessing and his universal religion, Schleiermacher and his religious sentiment and Feuerbach and Strauss with their absolutisation of the human being (Cf A. Giliberto, La Comprensione di Gesu` Cristo nella Teologia Contemporanea, in AA.VV., Gesu` Cristo, p. 215.

[3792] A. Loisy could be considered as the pioneer of this movement. Cf. Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations: the story of the Gregorian University of Rome from 1551 to Vatican II, New York 1981, p. 112.

[3793] Cf Tyrrel

[3794] When Pius X made his denounciation of the Modernists in his encyclical Pascendi Gregis (1907), not only were Billot’s ideas included, but many excerpts from his works could be recognised in its phrasing (Cf Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations, p. 113. Also J. Galot, Billot Louis, in New Catholic Encyclopedia, Washington 1967, vol., 2, p. 558).

[3795] Cf. M. Guasco, Romolo Murri, in Mysterium Salutis, vol. 12, Brescia 1978, p. 109. Leo XIII himself had called Billot from the Jesuit theologate in Jersey to promote Thomist studies in Rome (Cf Ph. Caraman, University of the Nations, p. 109).

[3796] Cf F. C. Coppleston, Billot Louis, in A Catholic Dictionary of Theology, Edinburgh 1962, vol 1, p. 270.

[3797] Rome 1892.

[3798] Cf ibid.

[3799] Cf Catalogus Professorum et Alumnorum Pont. U. Greg. vol. MCM-MCMI, p.19; cf. also P. Pirri, L’Universita` Gregoriana del Collegio Romano nel Primo secolo dalla Restaurazione, Rome 1930, p. 133.

[3800] Cf Secretarial Archives of the Gregorian University, Rome (Vol 1, p.228; Reg. 3775, 1901; Catalogus Professorum et Alumnorum Pont. U. Greg. vol. MCM-MCMI, p.19).

[3801] Cf DPA, Capranica. I had access to only the 6^th edition of Billot’s De Verbo Incarnato (Rome 1922). De Piro’s notes follow precisely the same order of the theses found in Billot’s textbook.

[3802] Cf Chapter One of this thesis.

[3803] Cf Chapter Two of this thesis.

[3804] Cf Chapter Three of this thesis.

[3805] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 954.

[3806] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 214.

[3807] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 82.

[3808] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1095.

[3809] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 898, 899, 950.

[3810] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 629.

[3811] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 630.

[3812] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 636.

[3813] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 165.

[3814] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 166.

[3815] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 744, 848.

[3816] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 219.

[3817] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 221.

[3818] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesrtimonies, p. 507.

[3819] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 247.

[3820] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 207.

[3821] Cf ibid.

[3822] Cf ibid.

[3823] Cf ibid.

[3824] Cf ibid.

[3825] Cf The Gozo Testimonies, p. 18.

[3826] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 422.

[3827] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 423. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 616.

[3828] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 612.

[3829] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 415.

[3830] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 315.

[3831] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 323.

[3832] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 341.

[3833] Cf The 1987Testimonies, pp. 148, 168 (3 times).

[3834] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 163. The 1988-192 Testimonies, p. 662.

[3835] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 187.

[3836] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 386.

[3837] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 387.

[3838] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 299.

[3839] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 351.

[3840] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 18.

[3841] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 42.

[3842] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 44.

[3843] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 583, 584.

[3844] Cf The 1987 Testimonies pp. 150, 155.

[3845] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 148.

[3846] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 276.

[3847] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 287.

[3848] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 293.

[3849] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 197.

[3850] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 140.

[3851] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 411.

[3852] Cf The Goao Testimonies, p. 48.

[3853] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 311.

[3854] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 651.

[3855] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 651, 1113.

[3856] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 651.

[3857] Cf ibid.

[3858] Cf ibid.

[3859] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1101.

[3860] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 355.

[3861] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 375.

[3862] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 250.

[3863] Crf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 211.

[3864] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 58.

[3865] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 59.

[3866] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 70.

[3867] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 83.

[3868] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 757.

[3869] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 764.

[3870] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 788.

[3871] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, pp. 42, 44,

[3872] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 983.

[3873] Cf The 1987 Testimonies, p. 315.

[3874] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 878.

[3875] Cf ibid.

[3876] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1005.

[3877] Cf The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 1006.

[3878] Cf ibid.

[3879] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 883.

[3880] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, pp. 240, 250.

[3881] Cf The 1988-1992 Tesimonies, p. 247.

[3882] Cf ibid.

[3883] Cf ibid.

[3884] Cf The 1987 Testimonies p. 15.

[3885] Cf ibid, pp. 14, 15. The 1988-1992 Testimonies, p. 993.

[3886] Cf ibid, p. 823.

[3887] Cf ibid, p. 835.

[3888] Cf ibid, p. 857.

[3889] Cf ibid, p. 835.

[3890] Cf ibid, p. 1058.

[3891] Cf ibid, p. 1023.

[3892] Cf ibid, p. 1108.

[3893] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p5.

[3894] Ibid.

[3895] Ibid, p9.

[3896] Ibid, p13.

[3897] Ibid, p15.

[3898] Cf p. 65 of this thesis.

[3899] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p22.

[3900] Ibid, p25.

[3901] Ibid, p48.

[3902] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p29.

[3903] Ibid, p30.

[3904] Ibid, p29.

[3905] Ibid, p31.

[3906] Ibid, p31.

[3907] Ibid, p33.

[3908] Ibid, p 37.

[3909] Ibid, p 38.

[3910] Cf pp. 261-262 of this thesis

[3911] Cf Ibid.

[3912] MSSP at the Time of the Founder, p.46.

[3913] Ibid, p.84.

[3914] Ibid, p.95-96.

[3915] Cf Ibid, pp.110, 111.

[3916] Ibid, p.103.

[3917] Ibid, p.105.

[3918] Ibid, p.110.

[3919] Ibid, p.111.

[3920] Ibid, p.112.

[3921] Ibid, p.116.

[3922] Ibid, p.118.

[3923] Ibid, p.120.

[3924] Ibid, p.122.

[3925] Ibid, p.121.

[3926] Cf Ibid, p.123.

[3927] Ibid, p.124.

[3928] Ibid, p.125.

[3929] Ibid, p.126.

[3930] Ibid, p.129.

[3931] Ibid.

[3932] dpa, Scritti di Mgr G De Piro, vol I, p.1.

[3933] DPA, Djarju, pp. 5-6.

[3934] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 6.

[3935] Ibid, p. 25.

[3936] Ibid, pp. 84 - 85.

[3937] Ibid, p. 125.

[3938] Ibid, p. 126.

[3939] Ibid, p. 129. Cf DPA, Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo, in Scritti di Mons G. De Piro, n. 1, , p. 102.

[3940] Ibid, pp. 132a – 132b.

[3941] Ibid, p. 132c.

[3942] Ibid, pp. 132d -132e.

[3943] Ibid, p. 132f.

[3944] Ibid, p. 141.

[3945] Cf DPA, Regole della Compagnia di San Paolo, in Scritti di Mons G. De Piro, n. 2, p. 79.

[3946] DPA, MSSP at the time of the Founder, p. 142.

[3947] Cf Ibid, p. 14.

[3948] Ibid, pp. 167- 168.

[3949] Ibid, p. 168.

Year	Population
1842	98,170
1851	106,640
1861	118,596
1871	124,384
1881	132,129
1891	146,484
1901	164,952
1911	188,869
1917	223,741
1921	189,697
1927	228,574
1931	217,784

Year	Vessels in mediterranean fleet	Employed with fleet	Employed at dockyard
1904	59 (including 12 large vessels)	11,995	5,005
1914	39 (including only 3 large vessels)	8,325	4,508

Malta	Total number	In schools	%	Not in schools	%
Males	9,738	4,486	46.1	5,252	53.9
Females	9,445	4,856	51.4	4,589	48.6
Total	19,183	9,342		9,841
Gozo
Males	1,144	689	60.2	455	39.8
Females	1,168	665	56.9	503	43.1
Total	2,312	1,354		958
Both Islands
Males	10,882	5,175	47.5	5,707	52.5
Females	10,613	5,521	52.0	5,092	48.0
Grand total	21,495*	10,696	49.7	10,799	50.3

Malta	Total Number	In schools	%	Not in schools	%
Males	8,810	2,890	32.8	5,920	67.2
Females	8,519	2,102	24.6	6,417	75.4
Total	17,329	4,992		12,337
Gozo
Males	1,145	461	40.2	684	59.8
Females	1,043	170	16.3	873	83.7
Total	2,188	631		1,557
Both Islands	Total Number	In schools	%	Not in schools	%
Males	9,955	3,351	33.6	6,604	66.4
Females	9,562	2,272	23.8	7,290	76.2
Grand total	19,517*	5,623	28.8	13,894	71.2

Year	Population
1807	12,830
1811	12,766
1814 (plague) 1814-1826 (diminishing agricultural prosperity)	13,000
1826	13,136
Just before 1837	14,566
In late 1837 (346 Gozitans perish in epidemic)	14,220
1842 (year of first census)	14,342
1851	14,663
1861 (slow economic recovery)	15,459
1864	16,038
1871	17,391
1881	17,653
1891	18,553
1901	19,790
1911	22,695
1921	22,561
1931	23,837

Institution	Founder/Foundress	Opened	Locality	Boys/girls	Children
Saint Joseph	Andrea Agius sj and Laurica Agius	1725	Cospicua	Girls	87
St Peter and Paul	Bishop Vincenzo Labini	1789	Victoria, Gozo	Girls	19
Good Shepherd	Good Shepherd Sisters	1858	Balzan	Girls	90
Cini	Adelaide Cini	1870	Hamrun	Girls	102
Vincenzo Bugeja	Vincenzo Bugeja	1876	Sta Venera	Girls	38
Fra Diegu	Fra Diegu Bonanno Ofm	1885	Hamrun	Girls	138
Piccola Casa di S. Giuseppe	Mgr Isidor Formosa	1887	Valletta	Mixed	80
Saint Joseph’s	Canon Francesco Bonnici	1893	Sta Venera	Boys	155
Ursoline Creche	Mgr Isidor Formosa	1902	Sliema	Mixed	80
St Patrick’s	Alphonse Maria Galea	1905	Sliema	Boys	52
St Joseph’s	Daughters of the Sacred Heart	1920	Zejtun	Girls	24
Home for infants	Mgr G. De Piro	1925	Sta Venera	Boys	40
St Joseph’s	Gozo parish priests	1925	Gh’Sielem, Gozo	Boys	23
St Francis de Paul	Guzeppina Psaila	1926	B’Kara	Girls	80(?)
Jesus of Nazareth	Guzeppina Curmi	1930	Zejtun	Girls	98
St Theresa	Daughters of the Sacred Heart	1934	Zurrieq	Girls	13
St Joseph’s	Fr F. Grech op	1937	Zabbar	Girls	32

Occupations in Gozo	Standard of living	% of the population
Artificers and labourers	Reduced to begging in times of want, probably subsisted just below. Lived frugally during most of the year; next to starving during remaining months.	39.59
In agriculture, and At sea	Had a large measure of self sufficiency and must have led a normal living.	17.55 4.20
Government emplyees, and some of the priests	Fared equally well.	0.53 0.86
Majority of land owners, and many belonging to professional, and commercial classes	Enjoyed a better life.	0.19 0.39 2.27

Basic necessities	1914	1919
Rice	1c2 per rotolo	3c6 per rotolo
Sugar	1c8 per rotolo	4c6 per rotolo
Eggs	4c6 a dozen	14c a dozen
Milk	2c per tin	6c per tin

	1913	1914	1917	1918
Bread per rotolo	1c	1c5 or 1c8	2c2	3c2

Letters referred to	Number of references
Romans	19[1297]
1 Corinthians	18[1298]
2 Corinthians	3[1299]
Galatians	10[1300]
Ephisians	5[1301]
Philippians	9[1302]
Colossians	Once[1303]
1 Thessalonians	Once[1304]
1 Timothy	5[1305]
2 Timothy	Twice[1306]

	Number of sermons
St Joseph	2[1307]
St Francis Xavier	1[1308]
St Michael	1[1309]
St Agatha	1[1310]
St Francis of Assisi	5[1311]
St Anthony of Padua	3[1312]
St Francis de Paul	1[1313]
St Vincent de Paul	2[1314]
St Joan Anthida Thouret	1[1315]
St Theresa of the Child Jesus	2[1316]
St Louis Gonsaga	1[1317]
St John Berchmans	1[1318]
St Ursola	1[1319]
St Calcedonius	1[1320]

Founded	Locality	Initiative	Founded by	For
Early 17 century	St Paul’s Church, Valletta	confraternity of Christian Doctrine		Boys
1727	Parish Church, Lija	Sodality of Christian Doctrine
1774	Senglea	Confraternity of Christian Catechism
1820	B’Kara	Confraternity of Christian Catechism
1839	Jesuit Church, Valletta	Istituto Maltese d’Educazione Cattolica	Fr Maximilian Ryllo sj	Boys of rich families
1847 or 1848	St Barbara’s, Valletta	Good Shepherd Insititue	Fr Gavino Mamo	Poor boys
1858	Our Lady of Victories, Valletta	Institute for Catholic Teaching		Boys
1864	St Roque, Valletta	Institute for Catholic Teaching	Mgr Francis Spiteri Agius	Girls
1866	The Pilar, Valletta	Institute for Catholic Teaching	Mgr Spiteri Agius	Poor girls
1866	Purification of Our Lady Oratory, Senglea	Institute for Catholic Teaching	Fr Francis Briffa	Boys
1874	Tarxien	Confraternity of Christian Catechism
?	Gharghur	Confraternity of Christian Catechism
?	St Catherine of Italy, Valletta	Institute for Catholic Teaching	Can. Lorenzo Pullicino	Boys/girls
1880	Pieta’	Institute for Catholic Education	Fr Manuel Mifsud
1881	Sliema	Institute for Catholic Education	Fr Manuel Mifsud	Boys/girls
1884	In Mqabba. Diocesan level	The Small Mission	Mgr Francesco Bonnici
1886	Gharghur	Institute for Catholic Education	Fr Manuel Mifsud
After 1888	Safi	Institute for Christian Doctrine	Fr Lawrence Degabriele
After 1890	Zurrieq	Institute for Catholic Education	Fr Manuel Mifsud
1894	Senglea	Figlie di Maria		Girls
1896	Zurrieq	St Aloisius Conzaga Institute for Catholic Education for youths	Fr Manuel Mifsud	Male youths
	Zurrieq	Figlie di Maria	Fr Manuel Mifsud	Girls
Early 20 century		Catholic Action Juventutis Domus MUSEUM		Boys/girls
1900	St Anne’s, Senglea	Istituto di Educazione Cattolica		Boys
1907	Diocesan level	MUSEUM	Fr George Preca	Boys/girls
1908	Rabat, Malta	Teaching of catechism	Fr Anton Ebejer	Boys/girls
1908	Sliema	Oratorio of St John Bosco	Salesians of Don Bosco	Boys
1908	St James, Valletta	Teaching of Catechism	Canon Karm Schembri, chosen by Archbishop P. Pace	Boys
1909	Senglea	The Domus		Boys
1910	B’Kara	Oratorio Mary Help of Christians	Canon Michael Sammut	Boys
1918	Porto Salvo Parish, Valletta	Teaching of Catechism
1918	Mosta	Teaching of Catechism	Fr Edgar Salamone
1921	Cospicua	The Domus Familiae Nazarenae	Fr Spiridione Penza	Boys/girls
?	Naxxar	St Aloisius Consaga
1930	Rabat, Gozo	Oratory	Fr Paul Micallef	Boys

Year	Author	Title
1752	F. Wizzino (translator)	Bellarmino’s Catechism in Maltese[1409]
1780		Compendio della Dottrina Cristiana
1845	Approved by Bishop F.X. Caruana and used by the Istituto Maltese di Educazione Cattolica nella Chiesa di San Giacomo nella Valletta	L’Alunno Provveduto del Catechismo Cattolico Ossia Compendio Progressivo della Dottrina Cristiana
1866	P. Pullicino	A small catechism for the lower classes of the primary schools
1892	A. Ferris	Il-Hajja ta’ Sidna Gesu Kristu
1892	E. Galea	Tifsir tal-Misteri tar-Religjon Taghna
1894	J. Vassallo	Id-Djarju Spiritwali
1899-1915	A. . Galea	Amongst others: Kotba tal-Moghdija taz-Zmien (150 numbers)
1901		Wizzino’s catechism, but having the English instead of the Italian (1^st edition)
1905	Translation	Catechism of Pius X
1907	S. Grech	Dotrina Nisrania Ordnata mil Papa Pio X ghad Diocesi ta Ruma u min Mons P. Pace, Arcisqof Isqof ghad Diocesi ta Malta bl Ittra Patorali tal 11 ta Aprtil 1907.
1907		L’alunno provveduto del catechismo Cattolico ossia comp[endio progressivo della dottrina Cristiana compilato sopra I migliori catechismi approvato da Sua Eccellenza Rev.ma Monsignor Francesco Saverio Caruana, arcivescovo di rodi e vescovo di Malta e prescritto ad uso degli alunni dell Istituto Malese di Educazione Cattolica nella Chiesa di San Giacomo nella Valletta sotto il patrocinio dell Immacolata Cuor di Maria
1908	S. Grech (translator)	Dottrina Nisranija[1410]
1908	E. Nastasi op	Catechismu Zghir fuq il-Festi ta’ Sidna Gesù Cristu li ‘l Cnisia taghmel ma tul is-sena
1911		Wizzino’s catechism, but having the English instead of the Italian (2^nd edition)
1911 1913 1926	X. Cortis (translator)[1411]	Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija (Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza)
1911	C. Vella (translator) (Originally by Mgr Guame)	Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija (Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza) (1^st edition)
1911	P. P. Borg	Il Valore del sillabo di Pio X (3 vols)
1917	G. Formosa	Trattato dei Fondamenti della Religione
1923	The Rabat Parishpriest	Taghlim ghall-gid. A monthly parish periodical
1924	C. Diacono	Catechismu ghal Ckar ordnat minn Papa Piu X Migiub bil Malti … Traduzzioni ghat tfal tal iscola Elementari Governativa.
1926	X.Cortis (translator)	Taghlim Komplet tar-Religjon Nisranija (Originally: Katekizmu ta’ Perseveranza) (2^nd edition)
1930	R. Mifsud Bonnici	Alla u l-Bniedem, u l-Bniedem u Alla[1412]
1930	J. Schembri	Il-Katekizmu tas-Sahha
1931	R. Mifsud Bonnici	Alla, ix-Xitan, il-Bniedem[1413]
1932	N. Zammit	It-Triq tal-Perfezzjoni Nisranija[1414].
1932	A. Tonna Barthet OSA	Il Catechismo di Pio X
1933		Tahrig ta tieba Praticat fl Oratoriu Malti ta Educazzioni Cattolica that it Titolu tal Buon Pastur li jinsab fil Chnisia ta S. Anton Abbati tal Belt jeu tal Vitoria

Date	Initiative
Until the first week of February 1820	· Approval of the statutes of the Confraternity, amongst which there were these articles: · provost or archpriest to be director; · the town’s doctor, the secretary; · made up canons, the vice provost, some clerics, nuns (perhaps some members of a third order), men and women; · 43 administrative posts amongst which 18 teachers, mostly occupied by the priests or the clerics, the laity occupying such posts as that of procurator, secretary, sacristan, sub sacristan and some teachers; · responsibilities of each post; · children to be examined, in order to pass from one class to another; · which prayers to be said before and after lessons; · which prayers to be said on certain special ocasions; · confession of children; · activities for the first holy communion children; · taking care of catechism even of grown ups; · 9 classes of children: up to fourth class for first holy communion, while at eight or ninth class, for confirmation; · to use Compendio della Dottrina Cristiana, a version revised by the order of Bishop Mattei;
6 February 1820	Inauguration of the Confraternity. During 1820 there were 185 men and 208 women. On 12 May 1850 were registered 100 men and 6 women.
Trinity Sunday, 1820	Celebration of the feast, Sedes Sapientiae or the feast of our Lady of the teaching of catechism.
1834	A statue of Our Lady of the teaching of catechism was inaugurated
1857	In spite of the above, not so much was done for the teaching of catechism in B’Kara. Therefore Proveost Calcedon Agius set up the Istituto d’Educazione Cattolica at Tal-Herba chapel. For boys.
1870	Another statue of Our Lady of the teaching of catechism was made
1905	It is important to note here that on 15 April 1905, Pope Pius X, published his Encyclical Acerbo Nimis, about the Teaching of Christian Doctrine
1906	Setting up of the Society of St Louis Conzaga for boys.
1909	The deacon Michael Sammut was ordained priest. He was a priest who dedicated himself for the education of boys and youths.

Date	Initiative
23 March 1910	Foundation stone of the chapel of the Oratory, B’Kara
20 July 1910	Inauguration of the Chapel of the Oratory, B’Kara. Continuation of the building of the Oratory. The Salesians of Don Bosco had the direction of the Oratory.
20 October 1912	The Freres De La Salle took over the administration of the Oratory.
23 August 1916	The Freres decided to leave the Oratory.
26 August 1916	Notary Michael Casolani asked the Freres to continue frequenting the Oratory at least twice a week. The Freres accepted.
1914	The Chapel of St Paul in the valley, at B’Kara,used as annex for the teaching of catechism.
1916	The Freres left the Oratory. Notary Casolani and Canon Michael Sammut tried again to find another administration for the Oratory. No success.
4 May 1917	The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary who had shown themselves available to administer the Oratory were given a negative answer by Casolani. Instead, they rented a house in front of the Oratory. Started helping a bit. Canon Michael Sammut, helped by his Brother Canon Joseph and some other priests took over the administration of the place.
4 April 1927	Notary Michael Casolani donated the Oratory to Mgr Joseph De Piro

Date	Missionary initiative	Place where	By whom
1800[1601]	Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary (Picpus) (SS.CC.).[1602]	Poitiers, France.	Pierre-Marie-Joseph Coudrin.
1801	L’Opera Apostolica.	Namur, France.	Marie Zoe` de Chesne.
1802	Genie du Christianisme.	London, England.	Francois Rene` De Chateaubriand. Deboffe (ed.).
1808	Foundation of the Mercy Fathers (C.P.M.).	Lyon, France	Jean Baptist Rauzan.
1814	An appeal for regular small offerings and prayers.	England.	Denis Chaumont, of the foreign missions of Paris.
1815	Went to Rome to present the precarious situation of his Diocese regarding vocations. In Italy collected money for his Diocese and persuaded some priests to go there. Stopped in Lyons and started a yearly collection of money for his Diocese.	Rome, Italy Italy Lyons, France.	Louis William Valentino Du Bourg, Bishop of Luisiana, one of the founders of the Church in the USA. Was helped by a widow, Madam Petit, and her son, Didier Petit.
1816	Foundation of the Society of Mary (Marist Fathers) (S.M.).	Belley, France.	John Claude Colin.
1816	Foundation of the Oblate Missionaries of Mary Immaculate (O.M.I.).	Aix-in-Provenza.	Charles G. Eugene de Mazenod.
1817	Foundation of the the Marianist Fathers (S.M.).	Bordaux, France.	William Joseph Chaminade.
1817	Foundation of the Marist Brothers of the Schools (F.M.S.).	La Valle, Loira, France.	Marcellino G.B. Champagnat.
1817	Foundation of the Josephites of Belgium (C.I.)	Grammont, Belgium.	Costance- William van Crombrugghe.
1819	Transplant of the Association of Denis Chaumont.. Organisation of the members in tens, hundreds and thousands. They were expected to donate a penny each week. The money was destined for the East The Ouvere de la Propagation de la Foi is born.	Lyons, France.	Pauline Jaricot.
1822	Canonical recognition of the first Association for the Propagation of Faith.	Lyons, France.
1822	Foundation of the Annales de la Propagation de la Foi.	Lyons, France.
1822	Inglesi wanted to strengthen the initiative started by De Bourg. Sought the help of a certain Benoit Coste, a person familiar with Pauline Jaricot. Coste said that he did not want to help a particular mission but the missions in general. Adopted the name Ouvre de la Propagation de la Foi.	Started in Lyons. Was extended to Paris and the provinces.	Du Bourg was substituted by Mgr Angelo Inglesi, the Vicar General.
1822	Foundation of the Priests of St Basil	Annonay, Diocese of Viviers, Ardeche, France.	Joseph Bouvier Lapierre.
1823 - 1919	Publication of 380 missionary peridicals, 79 in French.	All over, especially in Europe.
1825	The publication Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, with news, financial reports and letters from the missionaries.	Initiative of the Oeuvre.
1828	Foundation of the Congregatio Filiorum B.V.M. Immaculatae (F.M.I.)	Lucon, France.	Louis Baudouin.
1831	Foundation of the Clerics of St Viateur.	Vourles, Belgium.	Louis Marie Querbes.
1832	Foundation of the Betharram Priests of the Sacred heart of Jesus.	Betharram, France.	Michael Garicoits.
1835	Foundation of the Brothers of the Christian Instruction of St Gabriel (S.G.).	Lucon, France.	Gabriel Deshayes.
1836	Foundation of the Resurrectionists (D.N.J.)	Paris, France	Adeodato Ganski
1837	Foundation of the Congregation of the Holy Cross (C.S.C.)	Sainte-Croix-Ies-Le-Mans, France.	Basil Moreau.
1838	Foundation of the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales of Annecy (M.S.F.S.)	Annecy, France.	Pierre-Marie Mermier.
1843	Foundation of the Opera della Santa Infanzia.	Nancy, France.	Forbin Janson.
1843	Society of St Edmond (S.S.E.)
1845	Foundation of the Assumptionists (A.A.)	Nimes, France.	Emmanuel d’Alzon.
1849	Foundation of the Claretians (C.M.F.)	Vich, Spain.	Anthony Maria Claret
1850	Also, the traditional colonial powers which had for many years sustained the missionary activity of the Church, were in crisis; patronising had no more sense. The missions were no more there to help the diffusion of the European civilisation, but that of the christian faith and the Gospel. The resuscitation of the religious character of mission could be seen in the fact that the subject of mission was the People of God. It could have been that at the basis of this there was the romantic conception of the dignity of the people, of every people.	The colonialised countries.	The colonialisers.
1852	Foundation of the Missionaries of La Salette (M.S.)	Grenoble, France.	Filibert de Brouillard.
1856	Foundation of the Society for the African Missions (S.M.A.)	Lyon, France.	Melchiorre de Marion-Bresillac.
1858	Foundation of the Society of the Missionary Priests of St Paul the Apostle (C.S.P.).	New York, USA.	Isaac Thomas Hecker.
1862	Fondation of the Congregation of the Missionaries of Scheut (C.I.C.M.)	Scheut, Bruxelles.	Teofilus Verbist from Anversa.
1866	Foundation of the Mill Hill Fathers (M.H.M.)	Mill Hill, London.	Herbert Vaughan.
1868	Publication of the weekly Les Mission Catholiques. In nine languages.	Initiative of the Ouvere.
1868	Foundation of the Missionaries for Africa (White Fathers) (M.Afr.)	Algiers.	C. M. Lavigerie.
1871	Fondation of the Oblates of St Fancis De Sales (O.S.F.S.)	Troyes, France.	L. Brisson.
1872	Foundation of the Missionaries of St Joseph in Mexico (M.J.)	Mexico City.	Jose` Maria Vilaseca.
1875	Foundation of the Society of the Divine Word (S.V.D.)	Steyl, Holland.	Arnoldo Janssen.
1878	Foundation of the Priests of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (Dehoniani) (S.C.I.)	San Quintino, Diocese of Soissons.	John Leone Dehon.
1885	Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart	Issoudun.	Julkius Chevalier.
1890	Foundation of the Missionaris of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary.	Randa, Maiorca	Joaquin Rossello`.
1892	Foundation of the Society of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart (S.S.J.)	Baltimore, USA.	Herbert Vaughan.
1894	Fundation of the Sodality of St Peter Claver	Salzburg, Austria	Maria Teresa Ledochowska.
1899	Foundation of the Spanish Institute of St Francis Xavier for Foreign Missions (I.E.M.E.)	Burgos, Spain.	Gerardo Villota y Urroz.
1901	Foundation of the Missionary Brothers of St Francis of Assisi (C.M.S.F.)	India.	Godfrey Pelckmans.
1909	Foundation of the Mariannhill Missionaries (C.M.M.)	Durban.	Abbot Francis Pfanner.
1910	Foundation of the chair of missionology.	Munster, Germany.
1911	Foundation of the Society for Foreign Missions (Maryknoll) (M.M.)	New York, USA.	Anthony Walsh and Thomas Frederick Price.
1914	Foundation of the Missionaries of the Holy Spirit (M.Sp.S.)	Tepeyac, near Mexico City, Mexico.	Felix Rougier.
1916	Foundation of the Society “Queen of the Apostles”	India.	Paul Sonntag.
1917	Foundation of the Society of St Colombano for the Foreign Missions (S.S.C.M.E.)	Dalgan Park, Ireland.	Edward Galvin and P. Blowick.
1918	Foundation of the Scarboro Society for the Foreign Missions (S.F.M.)	Almonte, Canada.	John M. Fraser.
1920	Foundation of the Society for Divine Vocations (S.D.V.)	Pianura di Napoli, Italy.	Giustino Maria Russolillo.
1921	Foundation of the Swedish Society of the Foreign Missions of Bethlehem (S.M.B.)	Immensee, Switzerland.	Pierre-Marie Barral and Pietro Bondolfi.
1921	Foundation of the Society of the Foreign Missions of the Province of Quibec (P.M.E.)	Quebec, Canada.	Cardinal Begin and Archbishop Bruchesi.
1925	The Oeuvre was established outside France, at times with a different name and in some way independent from it. Other auxiliary associations were born. In this year there were 228 of these.
1925	Missionary Study Week.	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1926	Missionary Study Week.	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1927	Foundation of the Yarumal Institute for Foreign Missions (M.X.Y.)	Yarumal (Antioquia), Colombia.	Miguel Angel Builes.
1927	Missionary Study Week.	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1928	Missionary Study Week.	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero
1929	Missionary Study Week	Louvain, Belgium	Unione Missionaria del Clero
1930	Foundation of the Portugese Society for the Missions (S.M.P.)	Villa Real, Portugal.	The Portugese Episcopacy.
1930	Missionary Study Week	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
October 1930	Establishment of the chair of missiology	Nijmegen, the Netherlands	Radboud University.
1931	Missionary Study Week.	Louvain, Belgium.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1932	Foundation of the St Patrick Society for the Foreign Missions (S.P.S.).	Kiltegan, Ireland.	Patrick Joseph Whitney.

Date	Missionary initiative	Place where	By whom
1815	Foundation of the Missionaries of the Most Precious Blood (C.PP.S.).	Giano dell’Umbria, Perugia.	Gaspare del Bufalo.
1816	Foundation of the Stimmatini Fathers (D.N.J.C.)	Verona.	Gaspare Bertoni.
After 1822	Introduction of the Opera della Propagazione della Fede.	In the Sardinian States.
1828	Foundation of the Rosminians (I.C.)	Santo Monte Calvario di Domodossola, Novara.	Antonio Rosmini
1828	Translation into Italian of the Annals of the Propagation of Faith
1831	Foundation of the Congregation of the Sons of Charity (Canossiani) F.d.C.C.)	Venice.	Francesco Luzzo.
1833	Foundation of the Missionaries of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary (M.SS.CC.)	Secondigliano, Naples.	Gaetano Errico.
1835	Foundation of the Catholic Apostolate (Pallottine Fathers) (S.A.C.)	Rome.	Vincent Pallotti
1836	The foundation of a missionary college	Rome.	Vincent Pallotti
1836	Foundation of the Octave of the Epiphany. Through the celebration of the Mass in the different rites, this Octave was a most clear sign of the unity and universality of the Church.
1837-1840	Introduction of the Opera della Propagazione della Fede	In many Italian regions, other than the Sardinian States
1837	Publication of a pastoral letter about the Association for the Propagation of Faith		The Italian bishops
1838-1840	Rosmini had founded in 1828 the Istituto della Carita` at Domodossola. Fter he had started a seminary for the intenal missions, he eagerly wished to start one for the foreign ones. This project had to be infact abandoned in 1850, because of missionary needs in England, Scotland and Ireland.[1605]	San Michele, Diocese of Susa.	Antonio Rosmini.
1841	On the Feast of Pentecost of this year Fr Cottolengo founded the Collegio dei Tommasini in order to guarantee a number of collaborators for his projects and to provide vocaions for the Docese of Turin. He also wanted ths copllegio in order to promote in it the missionary vocations.[1606]	Turin.	Giuseppe Benedetto Cottolengo
1843	The diocese of Mondovi` abounded in priests and its Bishop Ghirardi wanted to provide some even for the missions. Therefore that same year he informed Propaganda about his wish and three years after even wrote to Pope Pius IX. The project was actuated in 1867. It lasted only for a short while.[1607]	Mondovi`.	Bishop Giovanni Tommaso Ghirardi
1843	Introduction of the Santa Infanzia.
1843	Publication of a pastoral letter about the Santa Infanzia		The Italian bishops.
1846	Fr Mazza founded and was in charge of an orphanage for girls and a home for poor students who wanted to proceed with their studies. Especially in the latter one Mazza did a lot of missionary animation. During this year (1846) he sent the first youth, Angelo Vinco, to Central Africa.	Verona.	Fr Nicholas Mazza.
1847	The foundation of a monastic seminary for foreign missions., which could prepare the Benedictines for the missions.	Genoa.	Pier Francesco Casaretto.
1848	A certain Fr Biagio Verri asked Mazza to accept some negro orphans in his female orphanage. As a result of this, Mazza thought of a third institute, that for the African missions.	Verona.	Fr Nicholas Mazza.
1850	Foundation of the Sts Peter, Paul, Ambrose and Charles Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions	Milan, Italy.	Mgr Ramazzotti.
1853	Fr Mazza sent another two missionaries, Giovanni Beltrame and Antonio Castagnaro, to Central Africa	Verona.	Fr Nicholas Mazza.
1857	Fr Mazza sent to Khartoum five of his priests and a layman, led by Fr Beltrame. These met many difficulties and the project had to be abandoned. Later this was taken over by Mgr Daniele Comboni, one of the followers of Don Mazza..	Verona.	Fr Nicholas Mazza.
1859 (1862)	Foundation of the Salesians of Don Bosco (S.D.B.)	Turin.	John Bosco.
1867	Foundation of the Missionary Combonians of the Heart of Jesus (M.C.C.I.)	Verona.	Daniel Comboni.
1871	Foundation of the Sts Peter and Paul Pontifical Seminary	Rome.
1873	Foundation of the Congregation of St Joseph (Murialdo Josephites) (C.S.I.)	Turin, Italy.	Leonard Murialdo.
1878	Foundation of the Oblates of St Joseph (O.S.I.)	Asti.	Giuseppe Marello.
1881	Foundation of the Salvatorians (S.D.S.)	Rome.	Francis Mary of the Cross
1885	Foundation of the Congregation of the Sacred Heart	Verona.	Daniel Comboni.
1895	Foundation of the Society of St Francis Xavier for the Foreign Missions	Parma.	Guido Maria Conforti.
1898	Foundation of the Franciscan Brothers of the Atonement (S.A.)
1901	Fondation of the Consolata Institute (I.M.C.)	Turin.	Joseph Allamano.
1904	Foundation of the Congregation of the Sons of Mary Immaculate (F.S.M.I.)	Genoa.	Giuseppe Frassinetti.
1907	Foundation of the Poor Servants od the Divine Providence	Verona.	John Calabria.
1917	L’Unione Missionaria del Clero	Italy	Paolo Manna.
1920	Missionary Study Week	Rome, Italy	Unione Missionaria del Clero
1922	Transfer of the Ouvere and the Opera della Santa Infanzia to Rome. Creation of the Society of the Native Clergy. Fusion of the above three initiatives (the Opera della Propagazione della Fede, the Opera della Santa Infanzia and the Opera di San Pietro Aposlolo) to the Congregation Propagnada Fide.	Rome.	By the Motu Proprio Romanorum Pontificum of Pope Pius XI
1922	Missionary Study Week	Rome.	Unione Missionaria del Clero
1925	Missionary Study Weeks	Italy.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1926	Foundation of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions (PIME)	Rome.	C/o Motu Proprio of Pius XI “Cum missionalium Opera”.
1926	Missionary Study Week	Bergamo.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1927	La Lega Missionaria Studenti	Rome (Istituto Massimo).	Studenti dell’Istituto Massimo.
1927	Missionary Study Week	Naples.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1927	Missionary Study Week	Loreto.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1927	Missionary Study Week	Rho.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1928	Missionary Study Week	Molfetta.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1928	Missionary Study Week	Bologna.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1929	Missionary Study Week	Messina.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1930	Missionary Study Week	Cagliari.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1930	Missionary Study Week	Molfetta.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1930	Missionary Study Week	Turin.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.
1931	Missionary Study Week	Pistoia.	Unione Missionaria del Clero.

Diocesan priests	76
Discalsed Carmelites	27
Augustinians	10
Dominicans	10
Jesuits	49
Franciscan Minors	81
Capuchin Friars	65
Franciscan Conventuals	4
From various religious orders	18
Nuns	227
Total of diocesan and religious, males and females	567

Reference	Quotation	Times referred to
Rm 8, 9	However, you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if anyone does not have the Spirit of Christ, he does not belong to Him.	1[3421]
Rm 8, 29	For those whom He foreknew, He also predestined to become conformed to the image of His Son, so that He would be the firstborn among many brethren;	1[3422]
Rm 8, 35	Who will separate us from the love of Christ? Will tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?	19[3423]
Rm 8, 38	For I am convinced that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come, nor powers,	2[3424]
Rm 8, 39	nor height, nor depth, nor any other created thing, will be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.	1[3425]
1Co 3, 16	Do you not know that you are a temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwells in you?	1[3426]
Ga 2, 20	"I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself up for me.	15[3427]
Ep 5, 32	This mystery is great; but I am speaking with reference to Christ and the church.	2[3428]
Ph 2, 7	… but emptied Himself, taking the form of a bond-servant, and being made in the likeness of men.	4[3429]

Reference	Quotation	Subject of sermon	Pages of sermon	Times referred to
Rm 1, 17	For in it the righteousness of God is revealed from faith to faith; as it is written, "BUT THE RIGHTEOUS man SHALL LIVE BY FAITH."	St Joseph	221-223	1
Rm 2, 5	But because of your stubbornness and unrepentant heart you are storing up wrath for yourself in the day of wrath and revelation of the righteous judgment of God,	Effects of mortal sin	342-343	1
Rm 2, 11	For there is no partiality with God.	Mother superiors	291	1
Rm 5, 12	Therefore, just as through one man sin entered into the world, and death through sin, and so death spread to all men, because all sinned--	Death	366	1
Rm 6, 22	But now having been freed from sin and enslaved to God, you derive your benefit, resulting in sanctification, and the outcome, eternal life.	Aim of human being Aim of human being	327 329	1 1
Rm 8, 9	However, you are not in the flesh but in the Spirit, if indeed the Spirit of God dwells in you. But if anyone does not have the Spirit of Christ, he does not belong to Him.	2 Sunday of Lent	10-12	1
Rm 8, 29	For those whom He foreknew, He also predestined to become conformed to the image of His Son, so that He would be the firstborn among many brethren;	St Joseph	224	1
Rm 8, 35	Who will separate us from the love of Christ? Will tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword?	17 Sunday after Pentecost Sacred Heart of Jesus Sacred Heart of Jesus Sacred Heart of Jesus St Calcedon St Calcedon	42-44 148-151 152-154 155-157 276-277 278-279	1 1 4 3 4 3
Rm 8, 38	For I am convinced that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come, nor powers,	St Calcedon St Calcedon	276-277 278-279	1 1
Rm 8, 39	nor height, nor depth, nor any other created thing, will be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.	Sacred Heart of Jesus	155-157	1
Rm 10, 18	But I say, surely they have never heard, have they? Indeed they have; "THEIR VOICE HAS GONE OUT INTO ALL THE EARTH, AND THEIR WORDS TO THE ENDS OF THE WORLD."	Assumption of Our Lady and first solemn high mass of new priest	64-72	1
Rm 14, 4	Who are you to judge the servant of another? To his own master he stands or falls; and he will stand, for the Lord is able to make him stand.	Charity	404-407	1
1Co 2, 9	but just as it is written, "THINGS WHICH EYE HAS NOT SEEN AND EAR HAS NOT HEARD, AND which HAVE NOT ENTERED THE HEART OF MAN, ALL THAT GOD HAS PREPARED FOR THOSE WHO LOVE HIM."	“ Sunday of Lent	10-12	1
1Co 2, 14	But a natural man does not accept the things of the Spirit of God, for they are foolishness to him; and he cannot understand them, because they are spiritually appraised.	St Ursola	274-275	1
1Co 3, 12-15	Now if any man builds on the foundation with gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, straw,¹³ each man's work will become evident; for the day will show it because it is to be revealed with fire, and the fire itself will test the quality of each man's work.¹⁴ If any man's work which he has built on it remains, he will receive a reward.¹⁵ If any man's work is burned up, he will suffer loss; but he himself will be saved, yet so as through fire.	Passion Sunday Frequent communion	13-14 104-107	1 1
1Co 3, 16	Do you not know that you are a temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwells in you?	Sin	348-349	1
1Co 6, 8-10	On the contrary, you yourselves wrong and defraud. You do this even to your brethren.⁹ Or do you not know that the unrighteous will not inherit the kingdom of God? Do not be deceived; neither fornicators, nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor homosexuals,¹⁰ nor thieves, nor the covetous, nor drunkards, nor revilers, nor swindlers, will inherit the kingdom of God.	The consequences of mortal sin	342-343	1
1Co 7, 29	But this I say, brethren, the time has been shortened, so that from now on those who have wives should be as though they had none;	2 Sunday of Lent End of the year (for the Nuzzo Sisters) The effects of death on the body	10-12 284-285 359-360	1 1 1
1Co 9, 24	Do you not know that those who run in a race all run, but only one receives the prize? Run in such a way that you may win.	15 October 1927: to the first group of Franciscan Sisters who went to Abyssinia	294-295	1
1Co 10, 12	Therefore let him who thinks he stands take heed that he does not fall.	Sinning again	345	1
1Co 11, 1	Be imitators of me, just as I also am of Christ.	St Joseph	224	1
1Co 11, 24-26	and when He had given thanks, He broke it and said, "This is My body, which is for you; do this in remembrance of Me."²⁵ In the same way He took the cup also after supper, saying, "This cup is the new covenant in My blood; do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of Me."²⁶ For as often as you eat this bread and drink the cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until He comes.	Eucharist	81-83	1
1Co 13, 4	Love is patient, love is kind and is not jealous; love does not brag and is not arrogant,	St Vincent de Paula	257-259	1
1Co 13, 8	Love never fails; but if there are gifts of prophecy, they will be done away; if there are tongues, they will cease; if there is knowledge, it will be done away.	St Francis	241-243	9
1Co 15, 52	in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet; for the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised imperishable, and we will be changed.	Sinning again	345	1
1Co 15, 56	The sting of death is sin, and the power of sin is the law;	Death	299	1
2Co 4, 10	always carrying about in the body the dying of Jesus, so that the life of Jesus also may be manifested in our body.	St Joseph	224	1
2Co 4, 12	So death works in us, but life in you.	Death	366-367	1
2Co 12, 4	was caught up into Paradise and heard inexpressible words, which a man is not permitted to speak.	2 Sunday of Lent	10-12	1
Ga 2, 20	"I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but Christ lives in me; and the life which I now live in the flesh I live by faith in the Son of God, who loved me and gave Himself up for me.	Eucharist 13 Sunday after Pentecost St Joseph – Eucharist 7 centinary of the beginning of the Franciscan Third Order. 7 centinary of the beginning of the Franciscan Third Order. St Theresa of the Child Jesus. St Theresa of the Child Jesus. Praying for the dead.	77 90-97 220-223 232-235 236-238 264-266 267-268 302-302	1 1 1 3 3 4 1 1
Ga 3, 11	Now that no one is justified by the Law before God is evident; for, "THE RIGHTEOUS MAN SHALL LIVE BY FAITH."	St Joseph	220-223	1
Ga 3, 27	For all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ.	St Joseph	224	1
Ga 6, 14	But may it never be that I would boast, except in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, through which the world has been crucified to me, and I to the world.	Avoidance of sin	344	1
Ga 6, 17	From now on let no one cause trouble for me, for I bear on my body the brand-marks of Jesus.	Avoidance of sin	344	1
Ep 2, 19	So then you are no longer strangers and aliens, but you are fellow citizens with the saints, and are of God's household,	Praying for the dead	302-303	1
Ep 5, 2	and walk in love, just as Christ also loved you and gave Himself up for us, an offering and a sacrifice to God as a fragrant aroma.	Love - forgiveness	405	1
Ep 5, 15	Therefore be careful how you walk, not as unwise men but as wise,	End of the year End of the year	305 307	1 1
Ep 5, 32	This mystery is great; but I am speaking with reference to Christ and the church.	Marriage	122-124	2
Ph 2, 7-8	but emptied Himself, taking the form of a bond-servant, and being made in the likeness of men. Being found in appearance as a man, He humbled Himself by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross.	Eucharist Eucharist 1 Communion Charity Avoidance of sin	84 – 89 109-110 112-113 404-405 344	1 1 1 1 1
Ph 3, 1	Finally, my brethren, rejoice in the Lord. To write the same things again is no trouble to me, and it is a safeguard for you.	Dispositions for the reception of the Word of God	1-3	1
Ph 3, 20	For our citizenship is in heaven, from which also we eagerly wait for a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ;	The nun must be an example by her life	280-281	1
Ph 4, 13	I can do all things through Him who strengthens me.	No two masters	346-347	1
Col 3, 14	Beyond all these things put on love, which is the perfect bond of unity.	Charity	409-410	1
1Th 5, 4	But it is not as if you live in the dark, my brothers, for that day to overtake you like a thief.	19 Sunday after Pentecost	40-41	1
1Tm 1, 15	It is a trustworthy statement, deserving full acceptance, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, among whom I am foremost of all.	Parable of the Prodigal Son	372	1
1Tm 2, 9-10	Likewise, I want women to adorn themselves with proper clothing, modestly and discreetly, not with braided hair and gold or pearls or costly garments,¹⁰ but rather by means of good works, as is proper for women making a claim to godliness.	Jesus Christ and Mary: Mediation between God and man.	189-190	1
1Tm 4, 12	Let no one look down on your youthfulness, but rather in speech, conduct, love, faith and purity, show yourself an example of those who believe.	The nun must be an example by her life	280-281	4
1Tm 4, 13	Until I come, give attention to the public reading of Scripture, to exhortation and teaching.	The promise of nor sinning again	415	1
1Tm 6, 9	But those who want to get rich fall into temptation and a snare and many foolish and harmful desires which plunge men into ruin and destruction.	Death	366-367	1
2Tm 2, 5	Also if anyone competes as an athlete, he does not win the prize unless he competes according to the rules.	Sinning again	245	1
2Tm 4, 7	I have fought the good fight, I have finished the course, I have kept the faith;	Jesus’ crucifiction	45-46	1

Name	Status	Where	Aspect/s
Aloisio, Aloisius.	Priest member of Society.	While collecting testimonies.	In general.[3805]
Azzopardi (Fr) Raphael.	Religious student – OSA.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.	Approachable by all.[3806] In general.[3807]
Balzan, John.	Young lad.	In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church	Served the celebrant during liturgical celebrations.[3808]
Bonnici (Fr) Alexander OfmConv.	Religious priest –Ofm Conv.	Biographer	No boasting of his own contributions. [3809]
Brincat, Joseph.	Young lad	In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church.	Did not lord over other priests.[3810] In liturgical celebrations.[3811] In general.[3812]
Borda (Fr) Peter Paul	Religious student – (M)SSP	In the Society’s Houses.	Talked to all and helped all. [3813] Always obeyed Archbishop and did what he was asked to do.[3814]
Cachia Zammit (Dr) Alexander.	Young boy	When with his father, during visits to St Joseph’s, Malta.	In general.[3815]
Camilleri (Fr) Alphonse M.	Religious student – Ofm	In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.	In general.[3816] Approachable.[3817] In his dealings with children.[3818]
Camileri Peter.	Young lad.	In the everyday life of St Joseph’s, Gozo.	Had same food as boys of Institute.[3819]
Caruana (Sr) Pia.	Young religious – Jesus of Nazareth	In the everyday life of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun.	Worked for the poor.[3820] Ordinary clothes.[3821] Used public transport.[3822] Did not want to be preferred from others.[3823] Was not particular about food.[3824]
Ciangura, Michael.	Young lad.	St Joseph’s, Gozo.	In general.[3825]
Coppola (Fr) Dominic Ofm	Religious aspirant – (M)SSP	At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara, Malta.	Made conferences about it.[3826] Had same food as memers.[3827] Ordinary clothes.[3828]
Cremona, Bice.	Young niece.	In the De Piro family environment.	Same food as children of institutes.[3829]
De Piro (Sr) Marie.	Young niece	In the De Piro family environment and at the Mdina Cathedral	Clothes, rather poor.[3830] He was a beggar for the institutes.[3831] Unassuming.[3832]
Fenech (Fr) Seraphim OfmConv.	Religious student – OFMConv.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.	Had same food as the children of the institutes.[3833]
Formosa (Sr) Pauline.	Young girl	In the De Piro family environment in Mdina.	In general. [3834]
Galea, Biagio.	Young lad	In the Rabat streets and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral	Never raised his voice.[3835]
Galea (Br) Venanz.	Young lad at St Joseph’s, Malta and Gozo, and as young religious Brother – (M)SSP	St Joseph’s, Malta and Gozo and in the Houses of the Society	With the members of the Society. [3836] In general.[3837]
Gatt (Fr) Louis.	Religious student – (M)SSP	In the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.	He lived in the poor houses of the Society and not in the family palace. [3838] In general.[3839] Had same food as members.[3840]
Gatt (Fr) Ugolino.	Religious student – OSA.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets, and during liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.	In general. [3841] Non pretentious.[3842]
Giordmaina, Catherine.	Young lady.	In the Mdina streets.	In general.[3843]
Grech (Fr) Augustine.	Religious student – (M)SSP	In the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.	In general. [3844] Same food as members.[3845]
Leopardi, Francoise M.	Young niece.	In the De Piro family environment.	Same food as relatives.[3846] Same food as girls of Jesus of Nazareth.[3847] Did not boast of privilages. [3848]
Mallia, Carmena.	Young lady.	Fra Diegu Institute, Malta.	Gentle and kind. [3849] Talked about humility to girls.[3850]
Muscat, (Br) Felix.	Young lad at St Joseph’s, Malta and as young religious Brother – (M)SSP	At St Joseph’s, Malta and in the Society’s Houses in Mdina and Rabat.	In his relations with boys.[3851]
Rapa, Loreto.	Young lad.	At st Joseph’s, Gozo.	The way he treated the boys.[3852]
Sammut, Paul.	Young lad.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of the Society.	In general.[3853]
Scerri, Anthony.	Young lad.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of the Society.	Did not bother about his status.[3854] Torn clothes. [3855] Ordinary clothes.[3856] In liturgical celebrations.[3857] No show off.[3858]
Schembri, Angelo.	Young lad.	In the Qrendi streets and in the parish church.	In his salutations to everyone. [3859]
Schembri, Saviour.	Young lad.	As a catechist at the Oratory, B’Kara.	Never shouted at the children. [3860] Treated everybody with gentleness.[3861]
Sciberras, Concetta.	Young girl.	As a benefactress of St Joseph’s Gozo.	Gentle with all. [3862]
Spiteri, (Mgr) Lawrence.	Young seminarian.	At the Seminary (after De Piro’s rectorship).	In general. [3863]
Spiteri, (Br) Paul.	Young religious Brother – (M)SSP	In the Society’s first Houses.	Same food as members.[3864] In general. [3865] In liturgical celebrations.[3866] Charitable humility.[3867]
Tedesco, Victor	Religious aspirant – (M)SSP.	At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara.	Approachable by all.[3868] Not a popularity seeker.[3869] In general.[3870]
Tonna, Joseph.	Young lad.	In the Rabat and Mdina streets and during catechism classes in first House of Society.	In general. [3871]
Tonna (Fr) Joseph.	Diocesan priest.	During liturgical celebrations at the Mdina Cathedral.	In general.[3872]
Vassallo, Anthony.	Young lad.	In the Mdina streets.	Aproachable. [3873]
Vella (Fr) Arthur.	Religious priest – sj.	The first priest of the Society was his uncle.	In general. [3874] When correcting the members of his Society.[3875]
Vella (Sr) Giakkina.	Religious Sister – Franciscan.	In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.	Same food as girls of Fra Diegu.[3876] In appearance. [3877] In behaviour in general.[3878]
Vella, John.	Religious aspirant – (M)SSP	At the Santa Maria Aspirandate - Oratory, B’Kara.	Non pretentious. [3879]
Vella Haber, Michael.	Religious student – (M)SSP	In the Society’s first Houses.	Same food as members.[3880] Serving at table. [3881] In his dealings with the members of his Society.[3882] Accepted all responsibilities given him by Archbishop.[3883]
Wilson, George.	Young lad.	He was himself from Mdina and was an employee at St Joseph’s, Malta.	The way he talked to boys and employees of Institute.[3884] Had same food as the boys of St Joseph’s.[3885]
Xuereb, Paul.	Religious aspirant and member – (M)SSP	At the Santa Maria Aspirandate – Oratory, B’Kara, and in the first Houses of the Society.	Ordinary clerical clothes. [3886] Approachable by members of Society.[3887] Same food as members of Society.[3888] Talked about it to the members of his Society.[3889]
Xuereb (Sr) Pauline.	Religious Sister – Franciscan.	In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.	In general. [3890]
Zammit (Sr) Bibiana.	Religious Sister – Franciscan.	In the everyday life of Fra Diegu Institute.	Same food as girls of Fra Diegu.[3891]
Zammit, (Fr) Loret.	A seminarian.	During De Piro’s rectorship.	The way he asked something from the seminarians. [3892]

	General observations. Related to the structure and methodology of the presentation rather than to the contents.
	The three vows traditionally related to religious life must be presented first. The vow of missions follows these.
	According to the Founder, all the members, whereever they are, have to wear the same habit. In some places this is not possible.
	Furci made some observations, re: some articles, eg., the novitiate.
	General observations: excellent Constitutions, based on Christian perfection and on the teaching of the founders of other religious orders.
	They are hard to follow because there are too many details: there is need of a distinction between the constitutions, the norms and the common rules.
	Furci suggests the Ignatian month.
	He notes that the devotion to the Sacred Heart and St Joseph are only mentioned in the end.

	The visit was made on 12 of the month.
	The Socety is in itself of glory to God and he therefore recommends every help frm the side of the Archbishop. At the same time it cannot porgress as it is. If it continues in the same way it will close down. The reason is the almost complete absence of the Founder; he has to be completely dedicate to it. Furci suggests that there be found some virtuous religious who can take care of the novices. The latter is most important.
	Fr John Vella has to be sent away “… senza indugio ne tergiversazione…”. He is causing harm to the others.
	For the vows to be valid there is need of a good novitiate.
	Fr Michael Callus and Br Joseph Caruana seem to be the best members of the community; they are young, virtuous and mortified.
	Mgr De Piro has to show himself more disciplined and less tolerant especially with those who are not observant. When there are public mistakes he must correct in public. And he has also to inflict punishments.
	Furci also noted that some were not punctual. These exempted themselves from the common acts.

Tony Sciberras mssp

Moderator: Prof. S. Gonzalez Silva cmf

Contents

List of Tables

List of Abbreviations

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Part One

JOSEPH DE PIRO: HIS LIFE and Activity

Chapter One

Section I

The private phase of his life (1877-1904):

- De Piro’s birth, childhood and early youth

Member of the Royal Malta Militia

Member of the Congregazione degli Onorati

- Drawing and Painting

- De Piro’s call to the priesthood

- Death of Joseph’s father

Studies of philosphy and theology in Rome

- Worries, prayers … but even projects

- Minor Orders

- The “Accademia Ecclesiastica” issue put aside

- Poor health

- At Davos, Switzerland

Section ii

The public phase of his life (1904 -1933):

- Assistant parishpriest at the Qrendi Parish, Malta

- Procurator of the Confraternity of Our Lady of Consolation, Qrendi

- Sindaco Apostolico of the Franciscan Minors Convent, Rabat, Malta

- Canon of the Metropolitan Chapter [109]

- Effective Member of the General Committee of the XXIV International Eucharistic Congress (1913)

- Co-rector of the Manresa Retreat House, Floriana, Malta

- Director of the Associazione Sacerdoti Adoratori

- Secretary of Archbishop Mauro Caruana

- Member of the Commission for the formation of young priests

- Deputy of the Commission for the temporary administration of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta

- Rector of the Major Seminary, Mdina, Malta

- Member of the Camera Pontificia Maltese

- Dean of the Metropolitan Chapter, Malta

- Acting parishpriest of the Gudia Parish, Malta

- Cooperator in the foundation and growth of Maltese religious congregations

- President of the Special Consultative Committee for the restoration of St Paul’s Church, Rabat, Malta

- Minister of the Word

- Archbishop’s Delegate in the Committee for the Peace Feasts

- Member of the National Assembly (1919-1921)

- The ‘Sette Giugno’ Riots (1919)

- Cashier of the Committee Pro Maltesi Morti e Feriti per la Causa Nazionale il 7 Giugno del 1919 [233]

Member of the Committee for the visit, of H.R.H., the Prince of Wales (1921)

- Member of the Unione Leoniana

- Member of the Governing Board of the Malta War Memorial Hospital for Children

- Member of the Special Committee of the British Empire Exhibition

- Archbishop’s Representative on the Committee of the Zammit Clapp Hospital

Archbishop’s representative on the organising committee for the visit of the Duke and Duckess of York (1927)

Member of the Tourism Committee

- Mediator between the Church and Lord Gerard Strickland

Senator in the Third Maltese Parliament

(iiia) Institutionalised charity

- Director of Fra Diegu Institute, Hamrun, Malta

- Secretary of the Committee of the Bishop’s Foundation for Bread to the Poor during the War

- Director of the Jesus of Nazareth Institute, Zejtun, Malta

- Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Santa Venera, Malta

- Director of St Joseph’s Institute, Ghajnsielem, Gozo

- Director of the Home for babies and young children, Santa Venera, Malta

- Director of the Institute, St Francis de Paul, Birkirkara, Malta

- His testamentary will and the Institutes

- Director of the Workshop or Laboratory for unemployed young women, Valletta

- Director of the Birkirkara Oratory

(iiib) A non-institutionalised charity

(iiic) Working for justice

- “The idea”

- A lot of work in Malta and for the Maltese migrants, but priority to the missions ad gentes

- The “Saint Paul: Almanac of the Institute of the Missions”

(v) His sudden death

PART TWO

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged and for evangelisation

Chapter Two

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged:

His institutionalised charity, his non-institutionalised charity and his work for justice

Introduction - Malta in the 19 and early years of the 20 centuries

Section I

De Piro’s love for the underprivileged :